Journal of oriental research Madras

THE

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ORIENTAL RESEARCH

MADRAS

MADRAS

PRINTF.D AT THE ^rAnRAS LAW JOURHAI. PRESS, MYLAPORE,

1940

Vol. XIV, Part II

JOURNAL

OF

ORIENTAL RESEARCH

fiH# in

MADRAS

PRINTED AT THE MADRAS LAW JOURNAL PRESS, MYLAPORE,

1940

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CONTENTS

VoL. XIV April— June, 1940. Part II

Page

The Concept of Keynote in the Taittiriya-Pratisakhya —

C. R. Sankaran . . . . . . 83

Preserve the Ancient Monuments — S. R. Balasubrahmanyan,

M.A., L.T. . . . . . . 90

Jo^vali, Velavali and Lehkavali — Dr. N. Venkataramanayya,

M.A., ph.D. . . . . 97

Tamil Syntax — A. Chidambaranatha Chettiar, m.a. .. 112

Bhavabhdti and Karunarasa — V. H. Subrahmanya Sastri . . 117

Vedic Studies: I. The Act of Truth — Dr. A. Venkatasubbaiah. 133

The Message of the Gita— P. Nagaraja Rao, m.a. . . 166

THE CONCEPT OF KEYNOTE IN THE
TAITT1RIYA-PRATI5AKHYA

BY

C. R. Sankaran,

Poona.

(Continued from Page 73, Vol. XIV, Part 1.)

A large number of Indo-European languages carry a
strong musical accent on the syllable following the chief tone
whereby a word is differentiated from another. The ditference

I /SN/

between Serb. nom. diisa ‘soul’ and acc. dusn, does not, however,
merely consist in the fact that in the first case the tone rises
and in the second case falls, but also on the fact that the second
syllable in the first case is musically high, and in the second case
is deep ; and besides, their loudness is also different.

Similar is the case with Swedish where one differentiates
between two accents. In the case of the second accent a musi-
cally higher tone lies on the last syllable.

This is musically higher than the accented radical syllable.
H. Hirt says that the difference carries a Quint [A quint is
equivalent to 13 srutis (=702C.) Vide: Handbuch der Physik.
Rand VIII. Akustik. Kapital 9. Musikalische Tonsysteme Von
E. M. V. Hornbostel, Berlin 1927, page 437. This is a strict
corroboration of the fact that if uddtta is sung on the Nisada
note, the svarita can be sung on the madhyama note, seebelozv].

Also in Indian, there lies on the syllable after the tone an
accent different from that having the tone, namely the svarita
as against the anudatta. More things can be collected from
other languages.!

Besides the Nebenton is often also the tone on the syllable
following the chief-toned-syllable the Indians call it svarita
and because it is quite systematically marked, it must have

1. Cp. n. Hirt, Der Akzent, Indogermanischc Grammatik.
Teil V. Heidelberg 1929, pages 12-13. But "the so-called svarita
is a syllable accent in the Indian but has nothing to do with the
Indo-Germanic.” cf. H. Hirt, loc. cit., page 187, Section 128,

XIV— 11

84 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

been very clearly heard. This is not surprising because such
a svarita is found even in languages spoken to-day.

So there is in German dialects such a Nebenton on the
syllable following the chief-tone (Hauptton) for example hess.

memme. It is also to be assumed in the west Germanic
languages, because here the short vowels i and u are retained
after shorter chief -toned-syllable (Haupttonsibbe) .

In Swedish many words have a peculiar tone on the last
syllable.

Similarly in Serbian there is quite an important difference
between Nom. dtisa and Acc. dusu ‘Soul’.

In the first case, the second syllable lies higher than the
first syllable and it has also a somewhat noticeable loudness.
Therefore the first syllable must have a rising tone, in order to
reach the height of the second.

In the second case, the vowel of the second syllable lies
deep, and its loudness is so small that the vowel in many cases
gets completely lost. In any case the loss of the vowel brings
about a kind of falling tone. (Vide IT. Hirt, Der Akzent.
page 19.)

“Of the two which come in a circumflex, the first note is
higher in Greek.” (Vide: Wackemagel. Das Zeugnis der
griech. Hymnen fiber den griech Akzent, Rhein Mus 51,
304 ff, H. Hirt, op. cit., page 33.)

The Taittiriya Pratudkhya cites the discordant opinions of
other authorities too. (Taitt. Prat. Ill, 47).

“It is all a slide, say some.”

(ibid. Ill, 46).

“The beginning is the same with acute ; its remainder is the
same with grave: so say the teachers.” [Panini seems to
follow in his grammar only this latter school of thought.
Hence is his sutra (P. 1,2, 31.)] (Vide also

Benfey, Kurze Sanskrit Grammatik. p. 6, Section 30, 4) .

“The single syllable into which the higher and lower tones
are combined still retains the double pitch belonging to its con-
stituent parts in what is technically called the Ksaipra variety

ol svariUit for example, vi and evd are combined into vyevd.

Part II] KEYNOTE IN TAITTIRIYA PRATISAKHYA 85

In the abhinihita (or by Taitt. Prat., abhinihata) variety of
svarita too, the acute and grave tones of the constituent
elements are both represented in the syllable that results from
their combination, as for example s6 abraiAt becomes .-^o abraznV*.
[Vide Whitney, On the Nature and Designation of the Accent
in Sanskrit, pages 16-27. Transactions of the American
Philological Association, 1869-’70-]

“The circumflex in Greek irepiariroafiiur) is a combined
tone.” [ Vide H. Hirt, Der Akzent, page 37.]

Porphyrios expressly says that the circumflex is combined
out of acute and grave. [Vide: Anecdota Graeca. Vol. II,
page 757, lines 15-17. Dion. Thrac., 705, 26.]

According to Misteli and Hadley, enclitic svarita is
“middle tone”. [Vide Misteli’s article iiber die accentuation
des griechischen in Kuhn’s Zeitschrift, Vol. XVII, pages
81-134. 161-194 and V'olume XIX, pages 81-103. See also
Berichtigung (zur accentlehre) by Franz Misteli in Volume
XXI of Kuhn’s Zeitschrift, pages 16-17. Cf. Hadley, On the
Nature and Theory of the Greek Accent in Transactions of the
American Philological Association, 1869-70, page 11.]
G. Curtius, reviewing Bopp’s Accentuation system in Jahn’s
jahr-biicher (1855, Vol. 71), expresses the opinion that the
grave accent, where it forms the second part of the circumflex,
represents not the ordinary low tone of the word, but an
intermediate tone in Greek. For further references on the
theory of middle tone in Greek, see Hadley’s article in Transac-
tions of American Philological Association, 1869-70, pages 9
and 10. Compare also Ascoli (Corsi di Glottologia etc. first
part, Comparative Phonology of the Sanskrit, Greek and Latin
1877, page 15.)

Whitney says the following on this subject : —

“This seems to mean that the voice, which is borne up at
the higher pitch to the end of the acute syllable, does not
ordinarily drop to grave pitch by an instantaneous movement,
but descends by a more or less perceptible slide in the course of
the following syllable. No Hindu authority suggests the theory
of a middle or intermediate tone for the enclitic, any more than
for the independent circumflex. For the most part, the two are

86 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

identical with one another in treatment and designation”
[Whitney’s Sanskrit Grammar, Fourth edition, Section 85.]

“Whitney’s opinion with regard to the enclitic smrita,
while it denies it the name of middle tone, does, we can see,
nevertheless support a kind of tone which docs not lie very far
removed in its nature from that middle tone in favour of which
Misteli and Hadley argue” [Vide: Historical and Critical
Remarks. Introductory to a study of Greek Accent by Maurice
RIoomfield. American Journal of Philology. Volume IV.
( 1883), page 45.]

M. Seshagiri Sastri was also inclined to favour the view
that the occupies a somewhat middling position [Vide

A Descriptive Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts of the
Government Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras. Volume 1,
Vedic Literature. First Part 1901, pages 4 and 75. See also
Brugmann, Grundriss English Translation. Volume I, Section
673, page 539,]

Although it may be true that in the pre-vedic period, the
enclitic svarita might have been a middle tone, it must be
certain that in the historical period its nature must be as
described by the HI. 4 (already quoted), for

this latter tradition alone is kept up now among Sraiitis.

It is interesting to note in tin’s connection that in distinc-
tion to Panini and Sakata Sakha Samhita of the Rg-Veda, the
Kasmir MSS. of the Rg-Veda and the Atharva-V eda and the
grammarian Katyayana distinguish the independent .svarita
sharply from the svarita which followed an udatta syllable.
[VideK. L. Turner: “The Indo-Ger.iianic Accent in Marathi”
in the Journal of the Royal .Asiatic Society of Great Britain
and Ireland, 1916, page 206.]

It is curious indeed that in a sntra of the Taittirlya Prati-
sdkhya, we find some authorities denying in tofo the enclitic
circumflex. ^^1^% (Taitt. PrM. XIV, 33.)

Neither the Atharva-Veda Prdtisdkhya, nor the Vdjasaneyi
Santhitd Pratisdkhya gives such a definition of the circumflex;
and yet as Whitney say.s, the theory of the pracaya accent so
manifestly recognizes and implies it that one cannot believe
otherwise than that its statement is omitted by them although it
really forms part of their system. If the voice has already, in
tlie utterance of the enclitic svarita, sunk to the actual grave

Part II] KEYNOTE IN TAITTIRIYA PRATISAKHYA 87

pitch, it can scarcely be believed that it should be called upon to
rise again to the level of acute for the utterance of the follow-
ing unaccented syllables: while, on the other hand, if the
circumflex be bodily removed to a higher plane in the scale, and
made to end at acute pitch, the following grave syllables might
be naturally enough supposed to run at the same level. i

To distinguish the actual acute occurring after the grave
syllables succeeding a circumflex (which are also uttered at
acute pitch) provision seems to have been made for, in the

recognition of amidattatara (cf.

Atharva-Veda-Pratisakhya, iii, 74. “But the syllable immedi-
ately preceding a circumflex or acute is grave”.)

In the XV chapter of the Taittiriya-Prdtisdkhya, there
is the citation of the opinions of various authorities as to the
mode of utterance of the sacred syllable Om. The third sutra
in this chapter reads as follows : —

The following is Whitney’s translation of this sutra.
“According to Kaundinya, it is a sustained pracaya.”3 But
Whitney does not make himself sure whether it might have been
better to follow the lead of Somayarya (the author of the

1. Vide the note under the Atharva-Veda-Pratisdkhya, iii, 65,
Whitney’s edition.

2. Another reading is 'pi: 5RRI; Vide Mysore

edition of the Taittiriya-Prdtisdkhya Bibliotheca Sanskrila No. 33,
page 451. Cf. Die Vydsa Siksd besonders in ihrem Verhaltnis
Zum Taittiriya Prdtisdkhya Von Dr. Heinrich Luders, Von der
philosophischen Fakultat der Universitat Gottingen gekronte Preis-
schrift (1895), page 84.

3. I am indebted to my revered Professor M. M. Kuppswami
Sastrigal for suggesting to me a more happy and an appropriate
equivalent ‘constant’ to the Sanskrit term ‘dhria’ for in the scheme
of Saman music dhrta is the name given to the basic svara or the
tonic note, the other svaras — krusta, prathama and dvitiya on the
one side and caturtha, mandra and atisvdrya on the other side
being variations of the utksepa (=ascending) and apaksepa
(=descending) type. See below. Maxmuller in his edition of
the Rk-Prdtisdkhya (page cdxxiii) calls “Mittlere Haltung.”

88 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

commentary Tribhdsyaratna on the Taittmya-PrStisdkhya) who
treats dhrla-pracaya as being equivalent to the simple pracayaA
The commentator, as Whitney points out, meets the objec-
tion that in XlX, 2. the use of the term

1. That the word dhrta, by itself, is taken to be a synonym
of pracayQ appears from the following verses said to occur in the
Vydsci Siksd ; —

( Note that the metre is defective in the two padas of the
second stanza.) For the first stanza quoted here. Vide Vydsa-
Siksd. Svaradharma S .mhild Prakaranam edited by Venkatarama
Sharman, Madras University Journal, Volume II, Supplement,
Stanza 148, page 16. The second stanza is not found in this
edition of Vydsa Siksd. But in Hatasvaravinydsa Prakaranam of
that edition, we find the following: —

(Verse 164, page 18).

“This passage (as Kielhorn says) shows that the reading of
the Pdniniya Siksd V, 43,

ought not to have been altered to and that the

word should have been translated by ‘the ring and the

middle fingers’. (Indische Studien, Volume IV. page 365,) The
following verses of Bharatabhdsya called S arasvatlhrdayahhUsana
(Paper manuscript deposited in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research
Institute, Poona). A transcript of this is available in the Madras
Government Oriental Manuscripts Library from which alone I am
quoting here) chapter II (towards the end in

page 18], the author of which professes to have studied the Hksds
oi Pdnini,Ndrada zr\d A pasali, 2 SC. evidently based on the verse
of the Pdniniya Siksd referred to in the above : —

^ giF II

Vide: Remarks on the Siksds by Dr. Kielhorn. Indian
Antiquary, Volume V, page 143, footnote.

Part II] KEYNOTE IN TAITTIRIYA PRATISAKHYA 89

itself is attributed to this same Kaundinya, and that hence
it should have been used here also. Somayarya answers the
objection as follows : —

“On the principle that even where there is no difference of
meaning there may be a difference of application, the teacher
exhibits a nicety of application: other examples of the principle
are the namas of Bhimasena and Bhima, Satya and Satya-
bhama, pidhanam and apidhanam, dipa and pradipa. So by this
pair of words dhrta and pracaya even an appellation is given”.

[513 — (XIX, 2.)

I ^ ? ^qi]^ l qqgr^qicq^q qiqqq^q

afi^q^ I ciqi ft —

aiq^qiqsft 5Tq>i^rg5qi=q(q: qqijqft i

qqi— gcqr, ^ cCiq: q^iq

pqift I

Mysore edition, page 451.]

The pracaya is defined as the fourth accent

page 452, Mysore edition). We have
already seen how it is explained in the twenty-first chapter
(XXI, 10) ; it is there said to be of the same tone as iidatta;
‘acute’; so that unless dhrta is to be regarded as signifying a
modification, one does not see in what respect Kaundinya’s
opinion differs from that of Valmtki, given in rule 6 of the
XVIII chapter.i

1. qr At one stage, our ancients must have

keenly felt conscious of the labouring struggle to reach or touch
occasionally the fourth svara from the original three notes. (Vide
M. S. Ramaswami Iyer's Introduction to Svaramela Kalanidhi
p. Ixviii). When this consciousness was not wide awake, the
theorists could not but bring ‘ ’ under for as Fox

Strangways says (Vide Music of Hindostan, p. 248), if in a
chant of only three notes, is to be distinguished from anu~
datta, it could not well have any other place. It is curious but
interesting to note that the author of the Narada Siksd, in one
place rejects the view that ^Tqq is the fourth svara.

q ^ q qq ^qt^qic'R: i

Sfqq: qNft II

Narada Siksa, I. VIII, Verse 2,

PRESERVE THE ANCIENT MONUMENTS

BY

S. R. Balasubrhmanyan, m.a., l.t.,
Chidambaram.

I. The Role of the Temple.

The temple in the past played many parts and had many
attractions to the people. Though it was chiefly a place of
public worship, it was also a centre of varied social activity —
a beehive of communal enterprise. It was a centre of learning.
Colleges and schools were conducted, and Vedas, Puranas and
religious hymns were expounded therein. Libraries called
Sarasvatl Bhanddram were located in it. Hospitals were, in
some cases, attached to it. Music — vocal and instrumental —
was practised therein. The people displayed their artistic skill
in temple architecture. While most of the secular buildings of
the past have perished, religious monuments have miraculously
survived. Sculpture and painting were mostly confined to
religious subjects and the temple was thus truly a museum of
ancient art. The temple managed public trusts by controlling
gifts of lands and money endowments made to it. It lent its
surplus funds to people in times of distress and in return
arranged for religious services to the deities. Above all it was
a public record office. This is how it is historically of incalcul-
able value. The royal orders, the grants and decisions of
public bodies like the village assembly (Ur or Sabha), the
merchant guilds (Nagaram), Provincial assemblies (The Nadu)
and the gifts of private individuals were all recorded and
engraved on temple walls. The original documents were
generally on cadjan leaves or copper plates and these leaves or
copper plates were deposited for the sake of safe custody in the
temple treasury — the Bhanddram. While most of these original
documents have perished in the various revolutions that have
taken place, the temple walls have wonderfully preserved what
were merely the copies of the originals ; and great is the value
of these records to the historian.

Part II] PRESERVE THE ANCIENT MONUM ENTS 91

II. Prasastis and their Value.

It has been said that India has no recorded history. This
is only true in a very limited sense — namely that there are very
few professedly historical works, like the RajatarahganI or the
Harsacarita. But almost all ancient Hindu kings had
maintained elaborate records of every important public transac-
tion. Yuan Chwang the Chinese pilgrim has recorded (7th
century A.D.) how in Harsa's kingdom official records of all
events were kept up in each province by special officers. This
is no isolated phenomenon. Indian inscriptions — chiefly South
Indian— reveal the existence of an active and able body of
bureaucracy which had been carrying on in an efficient manner
the work of the maintenance and preservation of all public
transaction.s of the land like the charitable grants, revenue
collections, remission of land revenue, land survey, dealings
between central and local bodies, etc.

But in one respect South Indian inscriptions are unique.
While only a few Prasastis (records of praiseworthy deeds of
kings) are available about the kings of Northern India like the
Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta, every inscription
of South India from about the 10th century onwards is a
chapter of South Indian History. Every public transaction is
recorded on the walls of the temple in whose neighbourhood the
endowed property was situated or where the assembly met for
making the grant or carrying out the transaction.

Sometimes when a gift in one village is made to a temple
in another village, or when the transaction relates to more than
one temple or village, it is recorded in more than one place.
In very many cases full astronomical details of the day of
the transaction are furnished which enables us to find out their
exact equivalents in modern Christian era with the help of the
Ephemeris. Every transaction is recorded to have taken place
in a particular regnal year of a king. Before his name we have
a long historical introduction generally in verse, which recounts
all the important achievements of the reign. The Prasasti
(in Tamil it is called Meykkirtti) grows in length along with
the passage of time and the progress of events in his reign.
The Prasasti of one is different from that of another. The
introductory part of this historical introduction varies from
king to king. The Prasasti of Rajaraja I begins with the
formula “Tirumakaj pola'' and that of his son Rajendra I
XIV~12

92 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

**Tisunianni Valara”, so that by a perusal of the beginning of
the historical introduction, we can declare at once the name of
the king to whom it belongs. It is this part of the inscription
that is of the utmost value to the historian.

Thus it will be clear that every temple was a public record
office and every epigraph a page of history of the land and it
is amazing how much of recorded history there is in South
Indian temples.

111. Scientific Renovation.

The old stone structural temples of the Pallavas and Early
Colas — Hindu, Jain or Buddhist — were massive structures
strongly built, and they could stand many centuries. There was
ample and systematic provision in the past for their careful
preservation and maintenance in good repair. If on account of
neglect or old age any monument needed repair, it could be
reconstructed with the old materials without the addition of a
single stone. The Dutch archaeologists of Java employed this
method of scientific renovation in the case of the renowned
Buddhist monument of Borobudur and the Hindu-javanese
monuments of the Dutch East Indies. The example of the
Dutch was followed by the French archaeologists of Indo-China
and in 1930 M. Marchal vias deputed to Java in order to
acquaint himself with the methods followed by the Dutch
Archaeological Survey. Here is a description of the method
adopted by M. Marchal who tried his newly learnt art in the
case of the temple of Banteay Srei. “It was in a ruined condi-
tion, but practically all the stones were in existence around the
foot of the building. Among the three towers forming the
central group the one to the south was the first to be attacked.
Marchal began by making an accurate survey comprising
drawings and photographs. Then he reconstructed on the
ground, the upper storeys which had collapsed long ago. This
part of the work having been accomplished, he proceeded to
demolish the portions of the structure still standing, carefully
assorting and numbering each separate stone. Then, after
having strengthened the foundations by means of a layer of
concrete, he rebuilt the successive storeys of the tower one after
the other.” Such is the care and reverence for the monuments
of the past and such is the method of scientific renovation
followed by enlightened people who value historic relics. It is

Part II] PRESERVE THE ANCIENT MONUMENTS 93

with pleasure that I record here that this wise method of
renovation has been followed by my friend Mr. K. V. Raju,
former Curator of the Pudukotah museum — (by himself and
without any inspiration from the practice of Dutch and French
Archaeologists) — in repairing the valuable temples of the
Pudukotah State. The Subrahmanya temple at Kannanur, the
Vijayalaya Colisvaram at Narttamalai, and the Muvarkoil
shrines at Kodumbalur have been thus scientifically treated.
But look at the ruthless and wanton destruction going on in our
midst in British India.

IV. Temple Vandalism — (a few historic cases).

I shall cite a few famous cases of wilful destruction of our
ancient monuments. The Buddhist Stupa at Amaravati was
built of marble by the Andhra Kings in the 2nd century A. D.
In the 18th century (1797) a petty local Raja razed this marble
monument to the ground and used parts thereof as building
material. The sculptured panels and pillars were demolished
and even partly burnt to lime. Seven pieces of this Stupa are
kept in the Indian Museum at Calcutta, and 160 pieces were
sent to the British Museum. In 18M T. Burgess examined the
site and collected 400 pieces more and they are now preserved
in the Madras Museum.

Let me take another instance, that of Gangaikonda Cola-
puram — the creation of Rajendra Cola I as the new Cola
capital in commemoration of his victory of the region as far as
the Ganges. In his new capital he also built a temple on the
model of that built by his illustrious father at Tanjore. Here
is the account which appeared in a local publication of I85.‘5.
“Speaking of the noble temple of Gangaikonda Colapuram, it
must not be omitted that when the lower Colerun anikat was
built, the structure was dismantled of a large part of the
splendid granite sculptures, which adorned it, and the enclosing
wall was almost wholly destroyed in order to obtain materials
for the work. The poor people did their best to prevent this
destruction and spoliation of a venerated edifice by the servants
of a government that could show no title to it, but, of course,
without success; they were only punished for contempt.
A promise was made indeed that a wall of brick should be built
in the place of the stone wall that was pulled down; but
unhappily it must be recorded that this promise has never been
redeemed.” What a commentary on the ignorance and

94 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

arrogance of those engineers ! Fortunately, the main temple was
not touched.

The temple of Tiruvidaimarudur in the Tanjore District is
a place of great antiquity. It had nearly 151 inscriptions on its
walls and on those of the mandapas close to the shrine. They
related to the kings of many dynasties— Cola, Pandya, later
Pallava and Vijayanagar, ranging over a period of nearly 700
years.* This temple has undergone renovation and most of
these valuable records have been lost for ever. It is the same
sad tale whenever a modern renovation of an ancient temple
takes place.

A temple that is threatened with a similar fate in the near
future is that at Tiruvaiyaru (Trivadi) in the Tanjore District.
The Visnu temple in this locality has been completely re-con-
structed. Next will be the turn, I understand, of the Saivite
shrines in the place. There are two shrines in this compound.
The older is called the Daksina Kailasa and perhaps it was

* Dynasty. No. of ins- King’s name. Regnal years
criplions. ranging from

24

Parakesarivarman

2 — 16 years

9

Rajakesarivarman

3-17

33

Parantaka I

7—38 „

8

Parakesarivarman (who

4-14 „

1

took the head of Vira-
Pandya)

Utlamacola

13th year

Cola 6

Rajaraja I

2 — 16 Years

4

Rajendracola I

3-20

1

Rajadhiraja I

32nd year

9

Kulottuhga I

4 — 49 years

29

Vikramacola

3—10 „

1

Kulottuhga II

8lh year

/f

-r

Kulottuhga III

12 — 28 years

3

Rajaraja III

2-27 „

Later Pallava 1

Kopperuhcihka

18th year

Pandya 1

Vikrama Pandya

3rd year

[1

Aeyuta deva Raya

Saka 1456

Vijayanagar

1 1

1

15

Sadasiva Raya

A. D. 1534

Saka 1466

Miscellaneous

A. D. 1544

Part II] PRESERVE THE ANCIENT MONUMENTS 95

one built in the clays of Aditya (acc. 871 A. D.)- It contains
many inscriptions of early Cola, Pandya and Vijayanagar
rulers. The other is the foundation of a Cola queen of Raja
Riija I called Lokamahadevi who lavished many costly gifts of
jewels and ornaments and made innumerable endowments for
the up-keep of various temple-services.

V. Efforts of the Archaeological Department.

In the year 1935, the Archaeological department of India
issued a very important communique on the subject of “Preser-
vation of Ancient Monuments”. They pointed out that Southern
India has “a rich heritage m its large number of temples,
remarkable alike for their size and the wealth of sculptural and
epigraphical material”, that “the im{V)rtancc of the inscriptions
which are veritable mines of information regarding the life and
times of the princes and peoples in the past ages cannot be
exaggerated, that well-informed public opinion should range
itself on the side of those who are making efforts to preserve
these priceless materials for posterity”. At the same time they
condemned the baneful practice of white-washing the walls
which resulted in considerable damage to sculptures and inscrip-
tions, and the indiscriminate burning of lamps on sculptures,
pillars, panes and inscribed slabs and the practice of modern
renovators— chiefly the Nagarattar commu lity — of chiselling
out old inscriptions on stones and using them as ordinary build-
ing material without regard to the records and carvings found
on them.

There is al.so need for greater co-ordination between the
departments of Epigraphy and Archaeology so that we may
derive the fullest benefit by their collaboration. Is there not a
case even for unification of these two departments under a
single officer ?

VI. Our Duty to Preserve this Rich Heritage.

A renovated temple can boast of a new structure but not
an architecture. The historical association, the epigraphs and
works of art of the past have a charm of their own. It must
be our duty to preserve as far as possible the ancient character
of our old temples. In case the temple renovation is indispens-
able, it should be done on scientific lines as indicated above.
If not, careful plans and diagrams have to be prepared, photo-
graphs taken of these old shrines before destruction of each

96 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

part. All the inscriptions have to be copied fully. Then the
stones of each wall should be numbered and after careful
dismantling- should be reassembled in a part of the wide
quadrangle of the temple under the guidance of Archaeological

officers, so that they may be a source of inspiration to future
generations and an object of additional attraction to the temple.
The cost of these inscribed stones as building material is
insignificant to a charitably minded benefactor, who, at
considerable cost, renovates a temple, but their value from an
historical, archaeological or aesthetic point of view is consider-
able. .

The Archaeological department has rightly emphasised the
need for a well-informed public opinion to range itself on the
side of those who strive for the preservation of these monu-
ments ; secondly, on the good sense and cultural conscience of
renovators ; and thirdly, on the timely help that may be rendered
by Hindu Religious Endowments Board.

India is a vast country. Her monuments are many.
Workers are few and their voice is feeble. The cultural
conscience of the people has not yet been stirred. The monu-
ments are beinjg^ demolished in hundreds every year, without
our knowledge or even a protest from the public. Let the
department and the public concentrate all their attention on one
monument and save it. If we succeed in one place we shall
succeed in others. Tiruvaiyaru offers such an opportunity.
Will the public rise equal to the occasion? The Hindu
Religious Endowments Board has no greater cause or nobler
end to serve, or more sacred duty to discharge, than this. The
Collector of the district has vast powers and personal influence.
He can by persuasion try to save the monuments in his jurisdic-
tion from the ravages of an ignorant renovator who in the
name of religion and piety unwittingly destroys what the
iconoclast has spared. If we do not save them now, they are
lost for ever and the future awakened India will blame us for
our neglect and we shall have to take upon ourselves the full
share of the blame for our failure to preserve them for
posterity. If we fail, the labours of Cunningham, the first
Archjeologist of India and Lord Curzon, who, bv an act, laid
the foundation for the preservation of our ancient monuments,
would have been in vain and the hand of the clock of progress
would be reversed by about a hundred years.

JOLAVALI. VELAVALI AND LENKA VALI

BY

Dr. N. Venkataramanayya, m.a., Ph.D.,
University of Madras.

The terms jolavali, velavali and lenkavali which are
occasionally met with in the inscriptions as well as literary
works in Telugu and Kannada, are obscure in origin and
uncertain in meaning. The first two terms occur coupled
together in an inscription of 1216 A.D.i and in some of the
works of the Telugu Virasaiva divine, Palkuriki Sdmanatha,
who flourished at Warangal in the first quarter of the four-
teenth century A.D. ;2 and the last is found in some inscriptions
of Mysore belonging to the middle of the thirteenth century.^
The meaning of these terms is far fitom clear and opinion is
naturally divergent as to its origin and exact significance.

The suffix -vdli which is common to all the three terms may
be first taken up for consideration. Some believe that it denotes
a tract of territory, and that consequently the terms should be
considered as the names of countries.^ No doubt, the word
-v&li, an equivalent of vadi or pddi^ means ‘a country, a settle-
ment, etc.', as, for instance, in Perumbanappadi, Gangavadi,
Honnavadi, Nolambavadi, Rattappadi, Vallabhappadi, etc.
Jolavali and Lenkavali on the analogy of these terms may
certainly be taken to denote the country of the Cojas and the
Lenkas respectively; but the inapplicability of this interpretation
to Vela-vaH, — for no people of the name of Veja is known to
have existed at any time in the past — coupled with the occurrence
of Joja-vaji in places where it is impossible to take it as the
name of a country, bring out clearly its inadequacy to explain

1. E. C. VIII, Sr. 125.

2. Panditdradhyacaritra (Andhrapatrika edn.) Part II,
p. 185; Basavapurdnam. P. 195.

3. E. C. IV, kr. 9.

4. Rice cited by Narasimhacharya : Kamatakavicarite. Vol.
I, P. 31, n. 1,

K. V. Lakshmana Row : Sivatattvasdramu (Andhra Academy
Publications, No. 13), Intro, p. 19, n.

98 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

the real significance of the terms under consideration in a
satisfactory manner.

Y&li is, in fact, identical with the Kannada pali and the
Telugu padi meaning ‘rule, order, law or obligation.’ The poet
Ranna, for instance, speaks of warriors who having deserted
their master died without fulfilling their vdli to him.t Bandhu-
varman a poetof the early 13th century substitutes the expression
Joladarnam for ‘Jolada-vali suggesting thereby that -rnam and
vdli are synonymous terms.2 Similarly Nanni Chodadeva in his
Telugu Kumdrasambhavam refers to jonnalu-gonna-rnam or
the rnam arising from the acceptance of jonnalu that is jola
or the Indian millet.3 It is obvious, therefore, that vdli like its
equivalent rnam means ‘ an obligation or debt’ ; and conse-
quently the term jola-vdli, vela-vdli and lenka-vdli seem to
denote certain kinds of ‘obligations’, the nature of which has
not yet been clearly ascertained.

I

/o/a-z-a/f Assuming that the interpretation of the suffix
-vdli suggested above is correct, jola-vdli or jolada-vali, as it
was more commonly known, should mean the obligation of the
jola. The early Kannada classics throw incidentally some light
on certain interesting features of jdla-vdli. According to the
poet, Catu Vitthalanatha, the king is said to have admitted
people, whom he took into his service, to ‘jola-vdlV. In the
Dhruvacaritra of his Kannada Bhdgavata, Queen Suruci on
seeing her step-son Dhruva seated in the lap of her husband,
Uttanapada, is * described as having exclaimed indignantly —
“thou art not worthy to sit there; serve the feet of my son
Uttama; he will provide thee with jdla-vdli.’"^^ The people who

1. Gadayuddha, 5; 10.

Jo|a-valiyam-nerapad=a!dana-kajjam-anokku sattararh.

2. Nemindthapurdnam (Madras University Kannada Series,
No. 6), p. 232.

3. Kumdrasambhavam, 11 : 240.

4. Olagipud — Uttamana-padavanu
Koduvanu jolavaliya nenute bharhgisi
Jadidu-nukida|-ad-ihike-garvadali.

I am obliged to Mr. H. Sesha Aiyangar, Junior Lecturer in
Kannada,. University of Madras, for this as well as the other
Kannada texts and references cited in this paper.

Part II] JOLAVALI VfiLAVALI AND LENKAVALl 99

were thus admitted into the king^s service were provided by
him with the means of subsistence. Bandhuvarman refers to
men-at-arms serving a lord as jdlam-gondavar or ‘people who
accepted their salary in jdlam*. He also describes the ideal hero
as one who enters a great battle, and making use of the skill
acquired in the gymnasium, fights with the enemy so as to
proclaim the debt incurred by him by eating the jdlam (of his
master).! This is corroborated by the evidence of Nanni Coda-
deva’s Kumar asambhav am in which a soldier, who was about
to join a battle, declares his intention to fight with the enemy
and discharge the debt incurred by him by taking the jonnalu
(jo la, cholam) from his master.^

The lord expected his dependants who had received chdlam
from him to fight his battles; and failure on their part to
discharge their obligation was regarded as a dereliction of duty.
That much is implied in Duryodhana's complaint against Drauni
and Drona in Ranna’s Gad&ytiddha.^

“Could it not have been possible for Drauni", cries
Duryodhana, “to defeat the enemy unaided? He is an incarna-
tion of Rudra, and has ev^en an (additional) eye in his forehead.
Placing faith in him and his father I gave them sustenance and
nourished them. Have they placed the arrow on the bow-
string? No, they cast away, on the contrary, their weapons.
Drauni and Drona did not even pay regard to their jdlada-
vdli”^

1. Nemindthapurdnam, p. 285.

J5}am-gomdavar-elIar
Me|am-gomdare tegajtu . . .

Ibid. p. 232,

Negalvinam-uinda jojada-rnarh sramamam-kalayal

-maharanakk

agiyade pokku tajt-iriva sad-bhatanum kali

2. Kumdrasambhavafh, II: 612 (Ramakrishna Kavi’s edn.).

Munum idi vairi vahinula mutti padal vada vresi. . . .
jonnalu-gonna rnambu nigudun.

3. Gaddyuddha, 2: 11.

Asuhrit-senage salvan-orvane gadam ! Rudr-Svataram

gadam

Nosal51-kan-gadam-emdu nacci poredam t&nakke

tamm-amm^ana

XIV— 13

100 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

Painpa states explicitly that urged by considerations of
jdlada-vali, he engaged his master’s enemies in battle and put
them to flight.!

Kumara Vyasa believes that it is an act of merit to give
one’s head in exchange for jdla-vali of the lord, who fostered
one by offering nourishment.^

The evidence of the Kannada writers thus leaves no room
for doubt as to the denotation of the term jdla-vali and
jdlada-vali. It is clear that they are not the names of a country ;
but they appear to have been terms commonly in use in ancient
Karnata to denote an obligation, probably military in character,
owed to a lord by his dependants. The lord provided his men
with the means of subsistence expressed in terms of jdlam, the
staple grain of those days, and they repaid his debt by fighting
his battles.

31

The meaning of Vila~v&li is more difficult to trace.s
The solution of the problem depends upon a clear understand-
ing of the true significance of vela, ’the first member of the

kk-isal-ambarh tiruvayge tamd-arivare tav-irvarum-

kaiduvam

^\s 2 XviV JOLADA-V ALIY AM bagedud*illa Drauniyum

Dronanum.

1. Bharatam, 14: 50.

Kavite negaltayam nirise j6|adapaH nij-adhinatlian-a-

Havodoj-arati-nayakara patt-ane parisi samda-pempu.

2. Bharatam,

Salahid-odayane jolavalige

Taleya maruvad-ondu punya.

3. The term occurs coupled with jdla-vali in the Telugu
Panditarddhyacaritram and Basavapurdnam ; and some of the
leading Telugu scholars have commented on it. The late Mr. K. V.
Lakshmana Row identifies vela with kdla and the latter with Yama
{Sivatattvasdram, Andhra Sahitya Parishat Publications, No. 13,
Intro, p. 18, n.). Mr. V. Prabhakara Sastri takes it to mean the
performance of prescribed rites throughout one’s lifetime (Basava-
purdnam — Andhrapatrika edn.. Intro, p. 114). Dr. Ch. Narayana
Rao accepts Mr. Prabhakara Sastri’s interpretation tentatively, but
keeps an open mind on the matter (Panditarddhyacaritram,
Andhrapatrika edn.. Intro, p. 266) .

Part II] JOLAVALI VeLAVaLI AND LENKAVAU 101

term. A clue which may lead to a correct interpretation of
vela-vdli is found in an epigraph from Nadamanchasale in the
Sagar taluka of the Shimoga district of the Mysore State.
A certain Kavadaya Bimma, one of the servants of Kumara-
Maharaya Baleya-Verggede, the Mahapradhana of Jagadeva
Pandyarasa of Pottipombuchcha is said to have accompanied
his master during a raid into Jiduvalige-nadu and having made
his jola-vdli and vela~vali manifest in an engagement with the
enemy, died on the field of battle.^ It is obvious that vila-vdli,
like jola-vdli with which it is coupled, is also an obligation
involving military service. Those who owed vela-vdli had to
discharge their obligation by fighting their master’s battles.

The nature of veld-vdli and the obligations arising there-
from are made clear by an examination of Velaikkdran, another
Tamil term of uncertain origin, with which it seems to be
etymologically connected. Judging from the scanty information
furnished by the inscriptions, the V elaikkdras, like the men
bound by vela-vdli, were men-at-arms who attached themselves
to some king or chief and fought his battles. They were
constituted into a number of padais or battalions by the Cola
monarchs, whom they served with devotion.2 The exact signifi-
cance of the term Velaikkdran and the nature of his relation-
ship to his master are not definitely known. Several attempts
have been made to interpret the term, but no satisfactory
solution has yet been found, owing to a fundamental error : the
term velai of which velaikkdran is a derivative, has generally
been taken to mean ‘time' ; and consequently the interpretations
based on this assumption have turned out to be unsatisfactory.

Veld, the Sanskrit equivalent of the Tamil velai and
Telugu-Kannada vela is used in several senses. According to
the Sanskrit lexicographer Kesava, it means among other things
vyavasthd which denotes ‘an engagement, agreement or

1. EC, VIII, Sr. 125.

Kawidaya Bimmath jolavaii valavaji mered-
idiranta marvalavam taU-iridu .... suraldka-praptan-
ada etc. {Vdla-vdli in the text is an obvious scribal error
for vila-vdli).

2. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, Colas, Vol. II, p. 225.

102 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [VoL. XIV

contract’.! The Kannada lexicographer Abhinava-Mahgaraja
also takes vela and vyavasthCi as synonymous terms and he is
supported by the authority of the early Kannada poets who
make use of it in this sense. Pampa, for instance, employs the
term vela in this sense of contract or agreement, while poetically
describing the cause of the expansion of the heart of the lovers
simultaneously with the blooming of the jasmine in the spring.
‘How is it’, he asks, ‘that the tender hearts of the lovers expand
at the thought of their beloved, when the jasmine blooms in the
spring? Perhaps the tender hearts of the lovers have taken vela
(agreement) to the jasmine.’S Similarly, Bandhuvarman uses
the word to point out the dependence of the body ori life, as if
on terms of a clear contract. “The duration of life', says he,
‘decreases as days pass; and the body, as if it has taken
perishes with the extinction of life.’! These instances make it
quite clear that vela denotes, besides its usual meaning ‘time’,
‘an agreement, bond, or contract’, as maintained by the lexico-
graphers. This is further corroborated by the evidence of a
Ceylonese inscription of the reign of Vijayabahu I, in which an
agreement entered into by the Rajaguru Alahasthavira Vyarini
Mugalan with the Velaikkdrar is described as a vyavasthai, the
very term given by the lexicographers as an equivalent of
velaP

1. Ndndrthdrnava samksepa, T. S. S. Edn., p. 153.

Velakule samudrasya tad-ambu vikrtav-api
Tarahgc vatsare kale vyavasthayam-api striyam.

2. Nighantu N dndrthavarga, 24.

Kasadol vyavasthayol vcle yarhd-enikkum, etc.

3. Adipurdnani, 1 : 110.

Malligegal vasantadol

Birid-ode nallaraih nenedu nallara mell-erdagal ni-

rantaram

Birivud-ad-ento? malligege nallara mell-erde vcla-

gorhdado.

4. Jivasamhodhanam, Part I, (Brahmasurayya edn. Mysore
1917). verse 30, p. 9.

Divasada kurfide kumdisugum-ayuvan-ayuge vela-

gorhdad-em

Bavol-aligurh sariram.

5. El, XVIII, p. 337.

Engal anvayam-uliadanaiyum-ennaQrum-idukku

Part II] JOLAVALI VeLAVALI AND LENKAVA^I 103

The meaning of velai having been thus finally settled, its
two derivatives velaikkdran and vela-vdli may now be taken up
for consideration. The former denotes a person who has
entered into a covenant with another binding himself to do
certain acts; and the latter signifies the obligations arising from
that covenant. This is clearly brought out by two Kannada ins-
criptions of the Calukyan age. In one of them dated 1060 A.D.,
it is stated that a certain Tuluva Candiga took a vela with his
finger as pledge and cut off the finger so pledged. i The other
record dated A.D. 1185 describes the self-immolation of a
servant on the death of his mistress in pursuance of vela-vdli-,
Boka, a servant of Laccaladevi, the senior queen of Mahii-
mandalesvara Savidevarasa gave a ‘ bdsa* (pledge) that he
would die .with the queen. On the death of the queen, Boka
fulfilled his pledge, and departed to the world of the dead. To
describe the pride and greatness of Boka : when his master
called him saying, ‘ you are a brave man who with resolution
offered to take off your head, Boka gave his head in pursuance
of his vela-vdli exciting the admiration of all.2 The nature of
this covenant and the obligations pertaining thereto are not,
however, clearly known. The inscriptions refer, no doubt» to
the vow taken by the velaikkdrar to fight for their overlord,
safeguard his interests even at the risk of their lives, and
perish with him in the event of his death; but they throw little
or no light on their status and the character of the service
which they had to render in addition to their military duties.

venduvanav-ellan-chcyvorn-agavum pannina inda
vyavasthai chandr-adityavarai nirpad-aga-kkaiy-vipav-
crri-chchembilurii kallilum vettuvittu-kkuduttom.

1. E. C. VII. Sk. 152.

Tuluva candigam berelge vejeyen endu

nudidu SrI-Ballavarasar Satyasrayar tevanu
Banavaseya koteya Pannlrccasaradal pasaya
deva vrittiyumam dayageydu kotta beratam kadiye

2. Ibid. Sk. 249. Sriman-Mahamandalesvaram Sovi-Dev-
arasana visala-vaksasthala-nivasiaiyar-appa Srimat-piriy-arasi
Laccala-Deviyaru svarggastheyar agal a-deviyar-5da saven endu
mun-nudida bhaseya-nerapi satta vara-lokan appa Bokana vinkada
birad-unnatiy-agra-bliavav-entene. Ka|I calade tale-guranaduvaj

Kaliyam ninendu kayad-odeyath b-in tappa Alaghu-parakram

Bokarh] tale-gottam vele valig-urvvare pogajal.

104 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vdl. XIV

Some of the foreign travellers who visited India during the
middle ages describe the manner in which people were admitted
to the order of the velaikkSrar,

“When they mount on the throne” says Abu Zaid, “some
kings of India cause rice to be cooked which is then presented
to them on the leaves of the banana. The king musters (on the
occasion) three or four hundred friends (who attach themselves
to him) by deliberate design, freely, without any one being
forced to it. After eating of the rice himself, the king gives
of it to his friends, and each one of them, in his turn, goes
near (him), takes a little of the rice and eats of it. When the
king dies or is killed, all those who have eaten of the rice (with
him in this sort of religious communion which binds them
intimately), should burn themselves voluntarily on a pyre to the
last man, on the very day when the king ceases to live. The
king dead, his friends should disappear without delay. This
obligation is so imperative that there should remain nothing of
these friends, neither body nor trace of themselves.”i

The Book of Marvels of India gives some more interesting
details about the initiation of the velaikkdrar and the functions
they had to perform in discharge of their duties :

“He (the king) makes them eat rice with him, and gives
them betel from his own hand. Each hacks off his little finger,
and sets it before the king. And from that moment on, they
follow him about, wherever he goes, eat what he eats and drink
what he drinks. They superintend his food, and overlook
everything which has to do with him. No concubine is brought
to his bed, whether it be girl or boy, but they, first of all,
examine them thoroughly ; no carpet is spread for his feet, till
they have inspected it. The king is served with no drink nor
dish but they insist it should be, first of all, tasted by whoever
brings it. And thus they do, in every instance, where the king
might be exposed to some danger. If he dies they commit
suicide; if he burns, they cast themselves into flames; if he falls
ill, they mishandle themselves in order to share his sufferings.
When a battle is fought, in the attack, they cluster round him
and never leave his side. Only men of distinguished family

1. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, Foreign Notices, p. 128.

Part II] JOLAVALI VfiLAVALI AND LENKAVALI 105

who are themselves comely and valiant and of good understand-
ing are admitted among baldudjers {velaikkdrar).^

The Velaikkarar occasionally slew themselves to show
their affection to their master. Ibn Batuta records an incident
of this kind which happened at Mul-Jawa while he was on a
visit to the court of the king.2 They were also accustomed to
sacrifice their lives to enable their masters to recover their
health in case of sickness.^ The V elaikkdrar held high posts
under the government, and exercised considerable power in the
kingdom. They were not, however, free men, but slaves,
attached to the family of the lord for generations.^

The institution of the velaikkarar was widespread and
popular. It was not peculiar to kings and nobles ; nor was it
exclusively secular in character. Communities as well as
religious foundations entertained velaikkarar in their service to
safeguard their interests and protect their property.^ The
duties which they had to discharge were onerous, involving
frequently the risk of loss of life. They had to defend the
village against raids, and establish the right to property of their
masters secular as well as spiritual, by forfeiting their lives.

The conception of duty which bound the v elaikkdrar
to their lord exercised profound influence over the doctrines of
the nascent Vira-Saiva creed which rose to great prominence

1. Ibid., p. 129 n. The vestiges of this institution are not yet
extinct. The Nagaripillakdyalu or ‘the children of the palace’ who
are attached to the Zamindari families of the Telugu country are
the modem representatives of the velaikkarar. The Nagaripilla-
kdyalu are more intimately connected with the private life of the
Zamindars than their other servants. They live in the palace,
attend to the personal needs of the Zamindar, eat the food
partaken by him, dress themselves in his cast-off clothes, and
perform several other services which recall to mind the duties of
the velaikkarar. The Nagaripillakdyalu differ from the velaik-
kdrar in that they do not kill themselves on the death of their
master ; but that is due to the changed conditions of life under
which they live at the present day.

2. Broadway Travellers: Travels of Ibn Batuta, p. 278.

3. MER. 1913, Part ii, Para. 22, p. 97.

4. Broadway Travellers : Travels of Ibn Batuta, p. 278.

5. ARE 368 of 1914, 188 of 1925.

106 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RE.^EARCII [Vol. XIV

during the age of the Calukyas of Kalyani. The originators
of this creed pressed into service political and social ideas and
ideals current at the time in shaping their doctrines. Siva, the
supreme god, was made to stand in the same relation to the
bhaktas or the faithful, as the lord was to his velaikkdrar; the
dlksd or the initiation into the mysteries of the faith was
substituted for the velaikkdrar’ s vow to be faithful to the lord
in life as well as in death ; the cooked rice which the velaikkdrar
partook with their lord was transformed into the nairmdlya
(food offered to the deity); and the bhaktas were strictly
enjoined to eat it without wasting even a particle. The bhaktas
thus initiated into the faith were invested with the emblem of
the iihga, called prdna-lihga, perhaps in imitation of the practice
in pursuance of which the velaikkdrar were branded with some
mark or symbol of their master.i The Iihga was to be looked

1. This is clearly indicated by the term tirucciila velaik-
kdrar or the velaikkdrar bearing the mark of the trisula mentioned
in an epigraph at Punjai dated in the 14tli year of the reign of
Rajadhiraja II (188 of 1925). The Velaikkdrar who were attached,
in this instance, to the local temple of Siva were branded with the
mark of the trisUla, a weapon peculiar to the god to show that they
w.ere the servants of the deity. Another instance which is closely
parallel to this is the practice of branding devadash at the time of
their dedication to the service of temples. Accapidaran Ganapati
Nambi alias Alakiya Pandya-Pallavarayan, a captain in one of the
regiments of Kulottuhga’s army ‘ presented some women of his
family as devaradiyar for service in the temple of Tiruvallam-
Udaiyar, after branding them, with Sula (trident) mark’ (230 of
1921). The practice of branding the followers of Visnu with
the Sahkha and Cakra, the characteristic symbols of the God, may
also be remembered in this connection. It appears to have been
customary to change these marks with the change of masters.
‘ The devaradiyar belonging to the temple at Tirukalatti had been
forced into the royal household’. This was brought to the notice
of the emperor Kulottuhga I. It was noticed that the mark of
the Sula was erased, and the royal lanchana was impressed in its
place. The emperor enquired into the matter and commanded
that the devaradiyar in question should be branded again with the
mark of the Sula and restored to the temple. (MER. 1922,
Part ii, Para. 19. I am indebted to Mr. A. S. Ramanatha Aiyar
for having drawn my attention to these records.) The practice is
based on the principle that what belongs to an individual should

Part II] JoLAVALI VeLAVaLI AND LEl^KAVALI 107

upon not as a mere symbol but as the deity himself. The
bhakta should lose it on no account. If by chance he happened
to lose it, he should not survive its loss, but cut his throat
and die in the same manner as the velaikkdrar on the death of
their lord.i The bhakta, like the velaikkdran, should incessantly
strive to promote the interests of his lord; he should put to
death without hesitation people who disparage Siva, destroy the
opposing creeds and establish the true faith even at the point of
the sword.

The tiniccula-velaikkdrar of Punjai in the Tanjore
District, for instance, had to cast themselves into the fire and
perish in the flames in order to establish the right of the local
Siva temple to the ownership of certain dcvadana lands which
were in tl* enjoyment of some unscrupulous men. 2 The ten
Vtrabhadras whom the Rajaguru Visvesvara-Siva appointed to
protect the deva lana villages, Mandaram and Velangapudi
which the Kakat.iya sovereigns Ganapati and Rudramba had
granted to him as an agrahara, and which he, in turn, had
assigned to a matha and satralaya founded by him, were
expected to protect the village by bljaccheda, siraccheda
and kuksiccheda.^ As the velaikkarar of this class were
very seldom called upon to take up arms in defence of their
trust they soon lost their military character and became
guardians of the interests of the community or religious institu-
tion, as the case might be. Whether the velaikkarar were
soldiers fighting for their lords, or were mere protectors of the
rights and privileges of private bodies, they had one thing
in common. They devoted themselves exclusively to the service

bear his mark to proclaim his ownership. The velaikkdrar, the
devaddsls and'the bhaktas forfeited their freedom by the terms of
their agreement to serve the lord or god and became his slaves,
his property. It is only reasonable that they should bear the
emblem of their master.

1. Prana-linga-vrale lupte prayascittam na vidyatej
Prana-lingatparam tasmat savadhanena dharayet[|
Prana-linge ca vicchinne linge pranan parityajetj
Praii-diksam prapya tisthed-rauravarh narakarh vrajet.|t

—Siddh&ntaHkhdmani (cited by V. Prabhakara Sastri in his
Introduction to the Basavapurdnam, p. 79).

2. No. 188 of 1925 of the Madras EpigraphJcal collection,

3. JAHRS, IV, p. 160.

X1V-.14

108 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

of their masters, and considered no sacrifice too great in
promoting the interests of those to whom they had dedicated
their lives.

The employment of velaikkdrar in the temple seems to
have brought in its train a modification of the meaning of the
term velai. It was due to the difference in the character of the
lord, viz,, the presiding deity of the temple. He was divine,
and his interests were bound up more with spiritual than with
the worldly affairs. The duties which the velaikkdrar were
called upon to discharge in the service of their divine master
differed in character; and consequently the scope of the
(pledge) which they had to give to their lord was widened, so as
to include spiritual duties. Therefore, vela-vdli which originally
denoted an obligation arising from a pledge to render personal
service to a human lord, appears to have developed a new
significance in this manner and become synonymous with
samaya-dharma or religious obligation.

The Tamil inscriptions of the twelfth, and thirteenth
centuries copied from the South Arcot District refer to a class
of female servants called velaikkdris, who bound themselves,
like velaikkdrar, by most solemn oaths to die with their masters.^
It is not known whether they had any connection with the
velaikkdrar. They were perhaps personal attendants doing
menial service to their lords like anugu-N angdndi who used to
massage the feet of KuI6ttungadeva.2 They were perhaps
unmarried, and were prevented from entering into marital
relations by the conditions of service. The velaikkdris
immolated themselves, as shown by their recorded vows, on the
death of their master.

Lenka-vdli : The velaikkdrars figure mainly in the inscrip-
tions of the Cola and the Tondai-mandalams. However, the
order to which they belonged was not unknown outside these
countries. They were called Tennavan Apottudavigal in the
Pandyan kingdom, and lenkas in Telingana and Karnata. Very
little is known about the character and, functions of the former
though like the velaikkdrar, they seem to have killed themselves

1. ARE 136 to 149 of 1934-1935.

2. SII, iv. No. 1253.

Part II] J6LAVALI VELAVALI AND LENKAVALI 109

by casting themselves on the pyre of their dead master.i About
the latter, however, a good deal of information is available. The
word lenka which is frequently met with in the Telugu and
Kannada inscriptions and in literary works is of unknown
origin. Very probably it is connected with the Marathi word
lenk meaning ‘a son or daughter’. Perhaps like mulga with
which it is said to correspond, it also denotes ‘a male child of a
female slave of the state’2; for the lenkas styled themselves as
kumaras or sons of their masters and were brought up probably
like Laksma-Dandadhisa of the Hoysala records in the royal
palace itseif.s Like velaikkarar, they were slaves who entered
into a covenant with their lord to devote themselves exclusively
to his service. They took an oath {bhdse, b&se) to look upon
their lord' as ‘their guru and deity’ in this world as in the next^;
and pay no regard either for their property or lives in further-
ing his interests; stand by him in the hour of danger; fight his
battles and kill themselves in the event of his death. The ideal
of conduct which the lenkas were expected to follow was, indeed,
lofty. The chief characteristics of a lenka are thus described
in an inscription dated 1045 A.D. : “Truth should be his utter-
ance, praise (of his master) his work, charity his recreation,
succour of the distressed seeking his protection his merit, and
unflinching attitude in a great battle his prime concern, — these
are the characteristics of lenkas eulogised (loudly) like the
proclamation of a kettle-drum by the learned on the surface of
the earth.”5 The obligations and duties which the lenkas had to
discharge were known as lenka-vdli^\ and they were granted
estates out of the proceeds of which they had to maintain them-
selves. The lenkas appear to have been known as anugus or
anugas, that is companions who followed their master ; for the
Villages, allotted for their maintenance, are described anugu-
jlvita or the territory assigned to the anugus for their subsist-
ence.7 It is evident that the lenkas and anugus were identical.

1. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri : The P Cindy an Kingdom, pp. 196-7.

2. Molesworth: Dictionary Marathi-English, pp. 660, 722.

3. E. C. v, Bl. 112.

4. E. C V, Bl. 112.

5. SII, ix, i. No. 101 (ARE 443 of 1914).

6. E. C. iv, Kr. 9.

7. SII.IX,i,Nos. 10l;l04.

110 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

The anugus seem to have resided, like the lenkas, in the royal
palace ; and the hall where they dwelt or assembled together
was known as the anugu-mogasala or the hall of the anugus.'^
The lenkas were always in attendance on their lord, ushered
people into his presence, looked after his needs, helped him in the
management of the palace and the administration of his estates,
accompanied him to the hunt, sported in his company in the
pleasure gardens, and fought his battles risking their lives.
Though the lenkas were a heterogeneous community drawn from
several classes of people, they attained hi h positions in the
state, according to their ability and skill. 2 They became
ministers and commanders of powerful armies. They could
marry and beget children ; acquire property, and dispose of it
with the consent of the lord. The lenka together with his
lenkiti and his men and maid servants should perish with the
lord. Laksma-Dandaclhisa, the general of Hoysaja king Ballala
II, together with his wife Sugg .le and a band of thousand
lenkas, killed hinl^elf in fulfilment of the vow he had taken to
remain faith tul to hi sovereign 3 Another lenka, Sivaneya-
Nayaka also with five other lenkas fulfilled Ijis engagement
with the same monarch.^ Similarly Lakkheya-Nayaka with his
wife and three perished with Narasimha I; Kanneya-

Nayaka, his three wives, ten lenkitis and twenty four lenkas em-
braced Garuda and died with SomesvaraS; and Singeya-Nayaka,
his three wives, ten lenkitis, and twenty lenkas immolated them-
selves on the death of Narasimha III, and fulfilled their engage-
ment.® Such instances can be multiplied, but these are sufficient
to show the fidelity unt » death of these lenkas and lenkitis to
their masters. It is not known whether the lenkitis were merely
the wives of the lenkas or were, like the velaikkaris of the
Tamil inscriptions, niaid-serv mts in the service of the lord,
bound to him by the same kind of oath like the lenkas them-
selves. The breach of the oath of lenka~vali was fraught with
serious consequences. Lenkas who deserted their master,

1. Andhra-Mahabharatam, Udyogaparvan, 3: 17. Hari-
vathsamu, 3 : 1 7.

2. Bharati, Vol. XV, Part ii, pp. 139 ff.

3. E.C. V, Bl. 112.

4. Ibid, iv, Kr. 9.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid. Kt. 10.

Part II] JOLAVALI VeLAVALI AND LENKAVALI 111

contrary to the pledge of their order or attempted to seek
service, after the master^s death, under others, were sternly
dealt with. Laksma-Dandadhisa is said to have justified his
claim to the title, ‘the chastiser of the lenkas who break their
plighted word to their master in the stress of war’.l Similarly,
the descendants of Ganda-Narayana-Setti, one of the lenka-
nayakas dependent on the Hoysaja family, claim to have been
the chastisers of the leMas who break their plighted word,
chastisers of the lenkas who run away at the sound of the
drum, and the chastisers of the lenkas who set store by (their
own) property or life.2 Nothing is, however, known about the
manner in which punishment w<is meted out to the defaulting
lenkas. They were probably put to death.

The fbregoing discussion makes it clear that the three
terms jdlavdh, velavdli and lenkavali refer to some political and
military obligations which certain classes of people had to
discharge in the service of their lord. Jolavdli denotes an
obligation which a subject owed to his master for maintaining
him by providing him with food a d nourishment. The other
two relate to the duties respectively of the velaikkdrar and the
lenkas, two classes of slaves who were in the service of the
ancient Hindu kings of Deccan and South India.

1. E. C. V, Bl. 112. Bhasege-tappuvariikada negalteya
lemkara garhdan embudamj Blsaram agad uddharipudetoclal
uddharipam.

2, E. C. iv, Kr. 9. Basage tappuva lemkara gamdarum

gdsane vodaguva lemkara dhanamana pranangafolu

seragu varva lemkara gamdarum.

TAMIL SYNTAX.

(A PAPER presented AT THE TeNTH AlL-InDIA

Oriental Conference)

BY

Mr. a. Chidambaranatiia Chettiar, m.a.,

Lecturer in Tamils Annamalai University.

“Syntax” is interpreted in different ways. The root-mean-
ing of the word is “arranging together”.! There are several
scholars who divide syntax into separate departments, inz.,
order, concerned, government and cross-reference. Among such
scholars is that famous American philologist. Dr. Bloomfield2.
Mr. Nesfield, on the contrary, has devoted his entire attention
in his English Grammar to the Order of Words in a sentence.^
He has, besides, remarked that divisions into concord and govern-
ment are not useful in modern English, because it has lost
several of its inflexions. Therefore, it behoves us to be guarded
in our use of the expression “syntax” in relation to any
language. Prof. A. H. Sayce, for instance, said^ “Where
there is elaborate formal grammar there may not be a rich
syntax”. In a similar manner Prof. Earle also said “Syntax
varies inversely in richness or poverty as acccidence is poor or
rich.” Considered in this way, Tamil should not be expected to
have a rich syntax, for there is elaborate formal grammar in it.
It is believed that in Sanskrit there is no rich syntax because of
this reason®. But writers such as the Rev. Mr. Rhenius, the
Rev. Mr. Pope and the Rev. Mr. Beschi have given elaborate
syntaxes in their Tamil grammars. How then are we to
reconcile the practice as we find in these grammarians with the
theory formulated by Sayce and Earle ? There are two ways of
reconciling these. They are either by means of saying that just

1. W. W. SKEAT: An Etymological Dictionary of the
English Language.

2. Language, p, 191.

3. Idiom, Grammar and Synthesis, Bk. IV, p. 150.

4. The Science of Language, Vol. I, p. 428.

5. /did., p. 392.

TAMIL SYNTAX

113

Part II]

as Greek in spite of its possession of elaborate formal grammar
is still rich in syntax, Tamil despite its grammar has an
elaborate syntax, or by means of saying that what is meant by
syntax, according to Sayce and Earle, is order alone of words.

Tamil is not rich in syntax in the sense in which Sayce
would say English is ; that is to say, in the matter of the order
of words in a sentence there are not many sanctions and taboos
in Tamil. For instance, it is the order of words in English and
Chinese that decides the meaning of words, as in “ Rama killed
Ravana”. Here if the order is changed so as to read “Ravana
killed Rama ” the contrary assertion is the result. In Tamil,
a change in the order as “ Raman Ravananaik-konran, Rava-
nanai Raman konran, Konran Raman Ravananai, Konran
Ravananal Raman” would not interfere with the meaning
except in regard to emphasis. These Tamil sentences seem to
emerge from the same process as the Latin “ Pater amat fUium”,
** Filium pater amat ” and “ amat pater filium ”, all meaning
“ The father loves the son”. This process is unlike what we
find in the Chinese^ where **ngo ta ni** means “I beat thee”
and “ m ta ngo ” means “ You beat me ”. Hence we might say
that if syntax means “Order” alone, Tamil is not rich in it.
But if syntax means, as is taken by Leonard Bloomfield,
concord, government and cross-reference, Tamil has it.

Now let us see whether we have all these sub-divisions of
syntax in Tamil. Tolkappiyar in his rules in “Kijavi akkam”
has given certain injunctions regarding the order of words. In
one rule (No. 38) he has said that demonstrative pronouns
should not precede “iyarpeyar” or real names to which they
refer. In another rule (No. 41) he has said that surnames
should precede real names {e.g. Munivan Akattiyan). As
some other instances of requirements of order we might mention
the following: —

1. The adjective should precede the word it qualifies.

(e.g. nalla kani=good fruit).

2. The adverb should precede the verb it modifies.

{e.g. nanray untan=ate well).

3. The verbal participle should precede the finite verb.

(e.g. vantu ponan= Having come, he went.)

1. Dr. T. G. TUCKER ; Introduction to the Natural History
of Language, p. 121.

114 JOUNRAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

The normal order of words in a Tamil sentence is supposed
to be subject-object-verb. This is different from the English
order which is subject-verb-object.i It is English, Scandinavian
and Romanic that do not place the verb in the final position.
On the contrary, Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, Anglo-Saxon and
Dravidian put the verb at the last part of the sentence. It would
appear that if a deaf-mute is trained to communicate his ideas,
he puts the verb always at the end. This method therefore
seems to be very natural.^

As regards concord, the verb in Tamil must agree with the
subject or the nominative in the matter of gender, number and
person {E.g. avan pokiran; aval pokiraj; avar pokirar). In-
stances of concord in English are “he goes ” and “they go ”.
Instances of Sanskrit concord are “Sah apatat” (=he fell)and
“ te apatan” (=they fell).

There are very sure instances of government in Tamil.
The second and first personal pronouns govern a plural verb of
the first person {e.g. nanum niyum povom=You and 1 will go.)
The second and third personal pronouns govern a plural verb
of the second {e.g. niyum avanum p6nir=He and you went).
The first, second and third personal pronouns take a plural-
ending of the first {e.g. nanum niyum avanum p6n6m=He, you
and I went). Two or more nominatives singular of the
rational class govern an epicene plural {e.g. Kapilanum Para-
nanum vantar).

As regards case and its government, we have definite in-
formation supplied in Tamil Grammars. The first and eighth
cases govern a verb. {e.g. avan vantan=:He came; makale va
=come, O! daughter). The second and third cases in a similar
manner govern a verb {e.g. avanai alaittan=:he called him;
kaiyal elutinan=wrote with the hand). The fourth and sixth
cases generally take a noun {e.g. noykku maruntu= medicine
for the disease; enatu kai==my hand). But the dative case can
govern a verb too {e.g. avanukkuk kotuttan=He gave him). In
the fifth case the ablative of direction takes a noun {e.g.
Chidambarattin kUakku Annamalainagar=Annamalainagar
lies east of Chidambaram). The ablative of motion, however,

1 . Language, its nature, etc., p. 345 (1934 edn.^

2, Cf. A. H, SAYCE: The Science of Language, Vol. I,

p. 436.

TAMIL SYNTAX

115

Part II]

as in “tJrin nlnkinan” (=Ieft the city)’ takes a verb. The
seventh case can govern either a verb or a noun {e.g, malaiyin-
kan aruvi=a fountain on the mountain; Nilamicai valvar ( =
those living on the earth).

There is no cross-reference in Tamil. “Puella cantat* in
Latin literally means “ the girl — she sings In English this
would be “the girl sings”. The expression “cantat” can mean
either “she sings” or “he sings” or “it sings”. That it is “she”
and not “it” or “he” is brought out by the cross-reference in
“puella^'A There is no need in Tamil for such cross-reference.

But the order and concord, we have seen before, do not
appear to be absolutely essential in Tamil. English, which has
no case-endings except probaTjly the suffix of the genitive, has
an order that cannot be dispensed with. But Tamil which is
rich in cases can dispense with its order, if it has any, without
doing violence to the meaning. We shall now see that in the
following instances there is no order insisted upon in Tamil.
We can indifferently .say either “muvar makalir ” or “makalir
muvar”, but the order of the corresponding expression in English
is strict : “ three women” and not “women three”. English
writers, being accustomed to a strict order in their language,
imagine there is such an order in the languages they look at*
That must be the reason why certain things, which do not con-
stitute order, have been mentioned by the Rev. A. H. Arden,2
and the Rev. C. T. E. Rhenius3 under the head of Order in
Tamil. For instance, the comparative is said to precede that
which is compared and “ivaninum avan nallavan” ( =he is
better than this man) is cited.^ This order is only imaginary,
for we could equally say “avan ivaninum nallavan”. Thus that
which is compared can also go before the comparative. It is
again said that the similitude precedes that which is similar.
The instance “Suryanaip polap pirakasikkiran”(=He shines as
the sun) is given. But without doing any harm to the meaning,
we can inverse the order and say “avan suryanaip polap
pirakasikkiran”. These things then show that the position of
words in a sentence does not matter very much in Tamil and
there is no “order” properly so-called.

1. Vide BLOOMFIELD: Language (1935), p. 193.

2. A Progressive Grammar, p. 87, et seq,

3. A Grammar of the Tamil Language, p. 212.

4. ARDEN, p. 87.

XIV— IS

116 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

As resrards concord, we find that it exists in Tamil only so
far as the verb is in agreememt with the nominative in point of
number and person. Other concords known to certain other
languages are not found in Tamil For instance, in Sanskrit
“kusalah Ramah’’ would mean “happy Rama”; ‘kusalini SIta’
would mean ‘happy Sita*. Here the adjective is in concord with
the noun. Both these phrases, when rendered into Tamil, will
have the same form of the adjective: makilcciyana. In a
similar manner **kalter wein*\ **kalte milch” and “kalteswasser”
would in German mean respectively cold wine, cold milk and
cold water. Here there is concord of the adjective with the
noun. Even so in Sanskrit there is a regular concord of the
adjective with the noun, through every case. The following
paradigm will make the point clear: —

Adjective Noun

(Masculine Singular) (Masculine Singular)

Nominative.

papah

kamah

Accusative.

papam

kamam

Instrumental.

papena

kamena

Dative.

papaya

kamaya

Ab.ative.

papat

kamat

Genitive.

papasya

kamasya

Locative.

pape

kame

Vocative. papa

But there is no such concord in Tamil.

kama

There is another kind of concord which we find in English
(e.g. This man and these men). There is no such concord in
Tamil. We say “iiita manitan, inta manitar”. Furthermore,
there is concord in English between the relative pronoun and
that which it governs (e.g. that which cried, and he who spoke).
But in the corresponding expressions in Tamil, ajuta kujavi and
pesiya manitan, the terminations of the relative participle are
the same.

Considered in this manner, government alone seems to be
the most important division of syntax found in Tamil. Though
order and concord are attributed to it, they are of course very
rare. That kind of agreement, known as cross-reference, has
no part to play in Tamil.

I) 51^1 *11^ II

u II

SIT. 5. SaSTHRIIT^

^n«!i^!^of|[ I «Tei?cT5Ti7siiJi; ‘ ^ Bk'k^ srns^-

^^^ fe^^qiqq^q^i^ 1

q^i^^q: qi[qq2(fe5q(qi^t4^=q>j:q\ #?q^f-

q%: afi^qaRqi«qqi=qiq'i: qiisqifcricqqqq crq

fqqiqqjS^RcT I qiq^ (I q;q(q ^^iRf^f€if%cT^5«T9‘'3T ^^r^q^^er
^q I ^2 qq^jpr: (^^r^fqg feqfq

q^rRa^Tqq^iRcT 1 qm^^sp^ ‘qq^-
?q»q'qTi[RcT^q qpcft qi(& 1 ftqjqq? l\^{^

qiqi ii’ 59iq^q(5‘5cr?q ^ii^^Iq Riq^er 1 ^Ri^qf qqft ?aiqf
qfiw«qi%fqf^q, ar^qrq^ifq: iqq(^|qfe^>qFcT?cqi?ncqqr

qj^qq^ft^q I qqii^ qi«qq?4qqrR^q?q ^aqs^wifq
qqu^^q qiqifqqjsqqRqq:, q;^^qi«ftqiq?q ap^qf

^ acSRRqiqiqi^qi^RiSqq^^ «qq qqiq q>»q ^far q%t-
?qq: II

arfq ^ q;qqts(^ q^ife^iai^n: 1 qq =q

qiW I ^€qi%qfq% f fti^pqq ffq fq??qqi^
q^i ^6iq=ft»q: q^g^f'q^ 1 q?qRmq^ ?q>q| ^eq^rq-
qpjift iqqi^/^^nsqi qqiqqi ft^acfteqR

^nqg^wq^ q^qiiqu jRr^^qa^qr 1 q<qqqi5: qqr q{6«^g[^
m q>q qri sraR^w: 11

uqq q«R q^q % q i qfii gn qqqpwitwW qqqqtft^f^
Mrsil qM: I

118 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

I ^ IB- I

3rT> ^ I I ft

^?2?J?I^cT[5rTq: fllS^flftsr^cT | I

^ 5T?i?c^r iBi I i fi M qi3$

q^r^q q[ f^q|5q% ql^qr^: | ci5f sqiqe^ i^ftg

qqrqS^fsfq m I ?ri^: ^eiqRi^gRicqi i b ^

fq^^ fqfq^CRiR^f i ‘^q ^q ftfq'^qTQi^ fiFcir^cq^r^

iBi I 3qftft^qiq 3 11’ lft q^cilCrK^i qqioiq^i

qcTfli^iqq^ I =q qn^^q 3ffe^i3>Tqi*ti=q^cTiqqf^%qcif

^qi«qqiqq^r =^f^qq a^q: qq^qei: 1 3pqq qn^^q-q ^q?q5R-

eRcq g^qr ^efqRsqqqts^fq'q e^qif q ib fft ^rsipqqq: 1

qi/^l'qq, gR«qqcq;[^; ^iStqi^^q^ | ^iqqR-

iBi II q^qf^yqqqif f ^ qRiqqi fft i
q;qi%i uqt^{=qftq sqiqftq sq^iw^q q^oi qq

fqfq^'^q; BiBm (qq^q fft qj^^qc^w? f^[?[pq-

qf^ 1 B ^q^SlRfgqq;, qiq^^^q q^qj'qcq =q

qfqqi^qft 1

^ fqqfi^q #sfq q^^i: q^q^qi-

f^qr qq q^'qqqq^S;: 1 qiPqq^eqsRi q;^ foqi^qeir: ^r
^qi^jqqq q^cT: ^fiiqqrsqii^ B qjqif^ qf^^'qqqq'rgqi^tfqtfq 1
qj^qqqftcqiftqf qrpq^noiPiqiqoT^iqoi^qfqqiJT^q ^qiRq^q
qis^q^qfq^e; ^Iiq: qifq^q ^q^q qeqi^pqiqqi^cq qjqfqqi-
q|q^ I %qr?^ sf^q^qq qr siqi^iq qqqq^iqifqq f^qcqf'q.
^qiq; I 3fqis^qf(q<?q q^^ f%'q?ftqpgq[^i: ii

mA qr^ qq^cfrqq^ qi^q^q-q 1 qq: b qifqqqf
^iq=qR^ q^q f^q^^Sq/q qq^?rg#q 1 q m Ri«pq-
qfq I qq: qRqq^ aiife ^qlq^WR^ ^il%cqsiqr ^q^iqR^Rm-
ftqqqi ^ gf^qr, qi^^q^q =q qfg^^qqi arf^f^^aqi ‘q
^qgqr^lqq^ ffq 1 qiqift <lq’q^^% ^e:

g^ifsqrWq ^qqi qn^rq^Pqqwq q^ (^<a: q^r^^-

Part II] BHAVABHOTI AND KARUNARASA 119

f%cq i qas^ci5T

snqw ^^\^\^\ ?Ifq?T fl% I cTSqqcfl^Rl

qqiWci: qi^qqi^qq il

fqj?i q«r^Rq 3iqqqM=q^ qqy sisifcT^q 3f§^q 3^ar:
q m\ qfia^qiq q^yiqq^V^iqf g^qq qqraiq: I qR^qs^:
^qiq=^^5qqq?i: qifq: qfiqq^ cTrcq'^ur qRjqy^q^ q^qRqtqfrrq^
3^wfqqjqrq'£qrq; ? qRRqrqfqiqq =q ^gq: | aifq q;i5qqyrfr
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120 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV
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125

Part II] BHAVABHuTT AND KARUNARASA

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126 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

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^ql^cqiqicqqi qiq^ qRq;^q{^iqqRcqq sqq^^q Bm I 3fcl^q-
:5#sq qifq: 5iqq =qRcT tRqpqp^?! aiq^qr^l =q ^Rq
2Kf^ qq^q^tqqqji^r: i ^quf — qf<^RcT?qi9% ‘^^^g^qsrqqqq;-^-

^ 3i^iq^qltg^?iifeq^q =q i q?<i^gq[^qcTqi ^qgl'f

li %m b\^b\ qi^inq^q ^R=qR^ (^q ibi
I 3rq f| qj|t: efe 5lftqi5Rf|qW IB^ Jpqi^itq qf^qi^q^-

128 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

I srqinf:

I l%^i: cR^qf ||

5ii^5n?fi^ 1 sj'^q ai^irR^i^[5''q
5HT5l| ) Slliq ^RT I RR^TifIiT-4RJ7I^4f3W^ ^ RRfTR^IR^ I
erq g ^^^^qRrii^iqjT^gqRisiq fi^^^RciPT %q ?f

I ^^qqR^qi: ^'Wgrqir ^R=qR(i[l%

5???qr^qi3[ifr i

qR^RcIIg'iqlqq Tif^ITRIR |
Uq'^I^ieR: rqqi Ttl^

#l^=qRd eBR5%
g^qRlSq^R^cT: 1 q-q?R-

a^iliqRRrqfTOsilgqRqffl:’ |) fliqJlRq^ j emf
'TqqR sTRJiiq qi^^qg; I srq ^qf ^

=q q(? q[ snsT'Tiqiq 1 3fi?rq?Trq ^I'T^q gwrfi stfrci q sqqi’
sqri^R I 3{[q =q T.qfq^URig; R^iqjiqi^q ^rar 3fR^SF;Ef;i^ cfgfq-
3jri1tq: ^ TRqifq r%?i Q^^qR^qfr qi=or-

qR j qiR^ =q ‘iT Cw5qm=rq: Ti^iR^g’^^JiFfr iqq^Rqq’ fR
JlIRI ^flrTIiqqiqfqqq: I qf^ «^qiRqfT:

31'^ ^q(qq: ci^irq 5Ti^qn%qR^iq^i%33qrf | qci: 3i?qqii55iqfq

iqq^Rsiq ^w.^\ eqrqq: i ^;t ^

I »iiq ^.^qfqq ^.qi emqr g^q^qicqiftR

H qi^qg; l 31%qfliqiSiq qfe ?liqq c^fq;

qi%cr qq ^^’Rq ^qis^q fqqi^qi q^R^qr i qq’^q ^fqRrqq-
qq5[*qq: rr^q 'i;qf?qi%q ^Rq 5fT^Rq=5F^.qq-

qii^r: I qR q;qRiq Rq^fi 3?qqq jTini jjirri

qijqq'qic^qiiq'^fid I "jq^qR^ 5qRfq[Tl^ ^-

sqqi^oq^q ^rqiqq^RJiiqqqq f| ??qfiqit ^'^oiiqig; |

g ^rqq: qqqiRS: siqRqiiRqiqqisfq Riq^rsg^qqi^-

q;^:

qsqqiqqRfiR^ g^q-^Rq fq qiqjffq fg^cftq

ilinqfqRgR qoqqisTi ^ ^qYqeqq ^I'eq^f «^q qqjqq; | 3f(q
=qi€t =qRq ‘3 IrK^F q^TRcqiq:RiJ?qq5qq: | JZqiqjqcf'iqil^T:
qq^q q;^r IB:' f^nRw: q=q^: qi^oiqq sq5n% cTq asr, 5T

Part IIJ BHAVABHuTI AND KARUNARASA 129

^ifsc^iifr^sqr^fqr^i I m ^ 5r^i%

^1^51 3T^q

5rq?H^lRt^^=^5Tl^W: fqg^ff?: I 31-d ^l^RfTRfT^qfiq ^(z^^^^\^
^ITR IB |R I liF5Rl%M^#;JT

eC(siq R ^l| nr^-

3f^iiq B I m^\^-

fq«qRf it

f% =^R^^r B\z\%

cTcqK?l1l^5Tr*^3H^: I ^RVl^RF ^^l%cRl^e: ^iq: ^cuR^iitJT

qK?iq'^ q^q'^ =qiqi% 3 qRq^f ^rri? qjqRie i armsq
B\m qi^'qqiqpq ^^msiq qi’q ^RRqR I q^i^^q^quqqi^^qRcTig.
qf^ qi^ 3 q^>=qq fiq aq qint^iq c^qqr q^-

^i^m\{B I g^q: 3(iqf: ^qpqq ^3rr(% ciql-

qqri%^ II ^qqqiiqf x^\ =q B^W'^: qi?q q fqq: | qq rCri
’ q ^qq 3 ;&q-.q-qq;’ i gqf (qqq ?r fq^a^qq^ aceq? 6 t
qq^^s^qifq: I (qq^^arq^ft ^(qi?a[qi%{Ti^q qiqf ^^ 5 -

qiq: aq^^qqR q^iqrqqq^gqR^ ^^fq.

ai aqKqi=qKacqqiHqa'ifa aiq q^sqjs^: | ^j^qqr ^<gq-

^Raai 2 % qi^<JT qqfWf> fia la'ftqiq: it

3J==q5riqra^qftqiq^?Taiq as^qar-
^^q^q?gq: 1 qf(q<q (qaqpq^a^q fqliqa: R|jq

gqiqia, g'^qfa =q aq^iaa? g^aq a^q'q?T?f%qfJ 3 ^ l ^qff|
<RqR^ 3frf^q^q sRqiHirRq §iq^a?^q g^siq gqqa^q
qqaiq fq^iRqgqrqqia-aw fq?rasqq;[?i aa «;rq c^qqfjrq^ I
q^q =q ^faffqqiira-a< 3 {q>qmiqa^q R^a^af qafqiq^qTrq ^fK^q
%5ra «^q qoTaqrq%, ^t^qlqgfsiq ^m^j'qf^P^?q ar^qffqqjq
qi^ta 1 aa^r qaq^qia ^Rg^a jRgqia: q^q^Rq^q gq^q^
aqcq q^i:^ q;^n% f^lR ^^qfqfa 1 «^qqq q^a^agqqqq^:
aa arqf^aqwg^afq <a Ri%«q aiq% 1 <?q ai^^rqfq

130 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCti [Vol. XIV

^ %cTar(q ^(sq I

3iqffq ^?'5q oTin^qiRft qifq qi^oi: q(-

fR Rqq: 1 3iq e^qfq ^^p^q-

mm qff^qq qf(tqq ijfqqi^ | Sjqicq^^fqrRJ: qfjq^eqiq'Jpq-

qifq q# ar-qcnqj^qq ^iqqefiR q^R^q q;?qw

I ^qf =qK^ q^qs^ qfl[ qfr?5r-9^ qft ^qii^-
fqqii^qq5TiR q|(%(T 3'^qiq qqi^'qt:

q^iq^li: ^q ^ ^rq§q r^r^: (q^qq: ^fRKiqt^wqiqq-
fqq: qi^oi qqi^^q i q %q^q|q qiqjl^qitq qi^Ri %qqq
fq^qqq i qqi% qpqftq qq>^c^q ^giRq^q^q fq^r-

fqq^q qrqafi^q qcj^f ‘q^^q«qiqqn%qi§[ qg:ce =q ^?f^q:’
ffqn'^ qq q^qi^orr jqqc^iqqfq i m qf& qpf^rqcq qqfq fqliqq:
^iqqiRqq;, 3iqi[q qc^tpi^q-^^ qiiqfq qi^oj^q qiigi sq^r )
qq[ qmgr^i ‘qjiq fl q: ^qqq qq qqifq ^q'fq: sqq^qf^ q;q
3 q>^q^q: i q^fq^q ’q qqr qce^ qRqi%5m:

ft q^^qiq;’ q?q^q qfqqfti^iR^T^i q;^<q^efqliqr i
qq qiq^: q^i^qqi% q^^'qi^qj^q: aiiqi'^^^r iqqp^q ' qi^qf
qqqj^ ^2WR<q^q{^fq qiqqr^rft^ ‘ipqiqe-qftq^isq^iqiq^'
cqift qirsiq fqqq q;qi ! #qr <qRfqw^T% q^qiqrsiq qi^ui-
qi^lqii^ qq 3i*q^qiR i qr^^r Rq^^qicqqi R qiqiR*^;
qi^ojqqqiq ^q^( qf^qft qrqqq^ i qq^q^i =q q^ 3 ^ qq fi^qq[,q^^quq
^iq ?^qq; i ^^fqrffqr qqq-qqqiftqqf^q qi^fqqq ^r^-
gcqjqqR i q^q =q qlqc^q'qu q;^<qqqqiq qi^qiqqq qqq
^SfRqqqRqft i qq ^R=qRq ^qifqqiq ^iqqq q;^qfcqq;qq
qjJiqR I qqr =q ^^qoi(fe;‘^rqiiiM^q qfq*.^ ffq i qq ftqlqqa^qii'q
qspqi^^qq qi^oT iq^fi^qiiq i qqq q;^<qq^^q?q qiq: qr^icqqii'qf q-

Roiqqq^qr^iqqiqif q^^'-qq;!^^: ^qiq ftqrii^^rer q^eft ‘qr2%

qq^rqqr qq qr qqqq qi i ?Tq*qR^ qq^ftrqfe'qq’ fft i
?Rqqq g^^qi: qq^q ^iq^rsiq iqqiqqr'gqiftMq^eq-

qjq; qq^qr^^q fq qR qqq^q I qq^q%iq-

Part II] BHAVAlJIluTl AND KARUNARASA

131

5f3^ f?r^fr|5r^q’i% qi ^T i^q-

^ I =qr^q['qR 5r^8jqq i

5i«?rii^iqRiau% ^npq goqiR tq^qjoqi i Jnqq^ci^cqqi

^fqii^qR^mi n’ ‘wqr qfeqiR f^q «iH>.

pcrqiiR^’ ‘3i(jqqiq=qo^i^qiq 9»'q iqfl^ niq^l
^fqqiq; ll’ qjsqi^^^ qi^l^q ^\^u\:

RjqiR’ f^iRq^ii% ^qqqmpqiq i

qi^qicqqi^q qi^^oTIcqq; ^q^fq^iq qi^Iiqsq^^OT fr%qi-
i^^Rurq^cT I q^q^i^^^rj^riJx^iq^qpqwqqqiH: i ^ms^ mm-
^RiR^q'JT qfqiTiqqjiq^q: t^ci: qiiq^ri ^ ^fRRiq^iq
^qii^^iqRiq'ji ^ eim^qVqqR i Km: ^nrfiqR^fRiqi
fqqi%fii^«q sqcqiqqqiq^ qfeqR I

qoqqR qiisiq 31151 iEium ^ij^qq qq eRiRT%: I gq-qisiq
qjqf^Vqqi^fq qqieHiqqf ‘^qiqf i;^?TiqT jreq^qi:^^: gier:’

fqfoqq^ 1^5 q;^0T ^ 5q?ii^ ? ^q^q^qqicq;^ 3^eqqi=qR:
^qn qq qq | 3{qi qiqi?qqcq#[-

q^qifq^qiq R>R^qR: i ql^^[?qpqqRqiTqrf^'l9?i ^m^r-
%qiq ^iqRiiq I q^q %'^Tsfq qiiq: qi^icqqj:

qcTrq^iiq qii%q ^fiRqmqq'qiRfq ^ qfiq^q; ‘^ccp^qq qq^ ^isiq
OTq^qqf’ ffq q^qqqiqioqq q^il qfqqRqiqi i ^qir^
i^fqRq: qjiRqiqisiq qqq qq^q; ^qqq\qfq qi^r

^fenq gqRqfq^i'^ql i 3fqi q c^isiq ^i^qiilraiqi^:, qR
^if-ci^q?5qiqi qqijq^qRj'i^cq^ ^iqiiqqir^ ^q^is-

’^'iq'^qqC i ^qRisq q-qRerqqitf^qpqsiq i

s^q^qi f%^|iqiqifq: iq^q q-qiq^iqjq g^qi-

srf^qi^fqg^ l qqfic |qq^*^q =q q;^^i =q prqiqqq; i qi^q-
’iftqi qi^ qq^qqiR^ qq;^ i i^RqriqqiRe^Rq; i qqfq
f^qin: qiqfqqf i^^iqiqiq qq^gqpqpqq gqi^r^R fr^qi^n^q
f^^^qqiqc. i qq^q^eR^q ^fqjq^ qi e H^^qq i aiqilq fq%q

XIV- 17

132 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

I 3WcT%: qiqif3l#;«Jiq

^ I 3?wrf^?cq5r 5rl^qK% ai^iqqntr:

5r%ifRiBa|iq<»q^ I I

9Jct:

qRiqciq^ ii

qWiRf f^ll^lr: 3Rqif^: qw’^f^cTi: I
»irqr: q;s«i5r fqg^ft: ^asqq^rq^eH, il

VEDIC STUDIES

BY

A. Venkatasubbiah.

§ 1.15. The Act of Truth in the RgvedaA

An Act of Truth is the utterance of a proposition that is
true with the intention, which may or may not be expressed in
words, that the object of the speaker may be realised by such
utterance. Prof. E. W. Burlingame has published an informa-
tive paper on this subject in JRAS. 1917, 429 ff., from which
I extract the following passages :

“An Act of Truth is a formal declaration of fact, accom-
panied by a command or resolution or prayer that the purpose
of the agent shall be accomplished. For example, a hunter asks
a sage how a certain nymph can be captured, and the sage
replies : Nymphs can be captured by the utterance of a truth ;
nor, under such circumstances, have they power to vanish from
sight”. Accordingly the hunter says to the nymph he desires to
capture: “You are the beautiful daughter of KingDruma;
if this be true, halt! you are bound fast! If it be true that you
are the daughter of King Druma and that you were reared by
the king, move not a foot, O fair Manohara !” By the utterance
of this truth on the part of the hunter the nymph addressed is
immediately bound fast, and is unable to vanish from sight ; but

all her companions vanish into the air A single

truth is sufficient; and, as in the examples cited, a truth of the
most commonplace sort. As a rule the Act of Truth refers to
some such fact as that the agent, or the person on whose behalf
the Act is performed, possesses certain good qualities or is free
from certain evil qualities ; that he has done certain things he
ought to have done, or that he has left undone certain things he

ought not to do In connection with the Power of

Truth are sometimes mentioned Powers of Righteousness, such
as the power of goodness and the power of merit ; ^and as well

1. The abbreviation VVSt is used here to denote the author’s
Vedic Studies, Vol. I. (published in 1932).

134 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

the superhuman might of spirits, deities, and Buddhas. Such
mention does not mean, however, that the Act of Truth in any
way depends for its efficacy upon the co-operation of these other
forces, powerful though they are. Truth, in and by itself
all-powerful and irresistible, is essentially distinct from them,
and operates independently of them. Truth, to the exclusion
of any ordinary physical power or cause, is the sole power
whereby the conjurer causes rain to fall, fire to turn back,
poison to be struck down. There is nothing that cannot be
accomplished by the Truth. Men, gods, powers of nature, all
animate and inanimate things alike obey the Truth. Even the
Buddhas themselves employ Acts of d’ruth. The Act of Truth
commonly takes the form of a spell or charm, most often that
of a healing charm . . . it is the stock in trade by which

men play, one after another, the parts of wizard, conjurer,
magician, physician, surgeon, good Samaritan, rain-maker,
prophet, and priest. . . . The Pali word for “Act of

Truth” is saccakiriyd. . . . The spell is sometimes referred

to as a “Truth-Utterance:” Pali saccavajja, Sanskrit satya-
vadya; Pali saccavacana, Sanskrit satyavacana; Sanskrit
satyopavdeana, satyavdkya, satyasrdvana. Sometimes it is called
simply a “Truth”: Pali saccarn, Sanskrit satyam. The
formula used varies considerably. . . . The formal utter-

ance under such circumstances and for such purposes as have
been mentioned is in fact a magic art of the most primitive sort.
The fundamental concept underlying it is not peculiar to the
Buddhists or to the Hindus, but is, and always has been, the
common possession of all races of mankind”.

It hardly needs to be pointed out that the purpose sought
to be accomplished by an act of truth is not, generally, one that
can be accomplished by ordinary means. That is to say, the
purpose for which an act of truth is employed, is, in most cases,
the performance of a miracle see Oldenberg’s Religion des
Veda, p. 519, n. 2.

1. Compare in this connection 2 Kings, i, 10-12: “And
Elijah answered and said to the captain of fifty. If I be a man of
Gk>d, then let fire come down from heaven and consume thee and
thy fifty. And there came down fire from heaven, and consumed
him and his fifty”.

Part II]

VEDIC STUDIES

135

In the paper in question, Prof. Burlingame has tited
many examples of acts of truth; I shall cite some here, mostly
from the epics :

1. Rdmdyana, 2, 64, 40: The father of the ascetic youth
killed by King Dasaratha in the forest says :

apapo’si yatha putra nihatah papakarmanaj
tena satyena gacchasu ye lokas lvastra-yodhinam||

2. Mahabhdrata, 3, 269, 21: Draupadi says to her
abductor Jayadratha:

yatha vaham naticare katham cit
pa tin maharhan manasapi jata]
tenadya satyena vasikrtam tvfim
drasta ’smi parthaih parikrsyamfinamjj

3. Ibid., 8, 98, 45 ff. : Arjuna fits an arrow into his bow
and kills Karna with it :

tatas tu tarn vai saram aprameyam
Gandiva-dhanva dhanusi vyayojayatj
yuktva mahastrena parena capam

vikrsya Gandivam uvaca satvaram|| 45

ayarn mahastra-prahilo maha-sarah
sarirahrc casu-haras ca durhrdahj
tapo ’sti taptarn guravas ca tosita

maya yadistam suhutam yadi srutam|| 46

anena satyena nihantv ayarn sarah

susariihitah Karnara arirn mamorjitain|
ity ucivams tarn pramumoca banani

Dhanariijayah Karna-vadhaya ghoramjj 47

tenarjunas tan mahaniyam asya

siro ’harat suta-putrasya rajan|| 50cd

4. Ibid. 14, 69, 17-25s Krsna revives the dead child of
Uttara :

pratijajne ca Dasarhas tasya jivitam Acyutahj
abravic ca visuddhatma sarvam visravayan jagat|| 17

na bravimy Uttare mithya satyani etad bhavisyatij
esa sarnjiviyamy enarn pasyatain sarva-dehinam|| 18

nokta-purvain maya mithya svaire§v api kadacana|
na ca yuddhat paravrttas tatha seinjivatam ayamy 19
yatha me dayito dharmo brahmanas ca visesatah|
Abhimanyos suto jato mrto jivatv ayarn tatha||

20

136 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

'yatha ’harp nabhijanami vijaye tu kadacana|
virodhani tena satyena mrto jivatv ayarn sisuhjl 21

yatha satyarp ca dharmas ca niayi nityaip pritisthitah]
tatha mrtah sisur ayarp jivatad Abhimanyujah|j 22

yatha Kanisas ca KesI cadharmena nihatau mayal
tena satyena bfilo ’yani punah sanijlvatam ihaj| 23

ity uktva Vasudevo ’tha tain bfilani Bharatarsabhaj
padena kamalabhena Brahma-Riidrarcitena caj
pasparsa Pundarlkaksa apada-tala-mastakamK 24

sprsta-matras tu Krsnena sa balo Bharatarsabhaj
sanais-sanair maharaja prapadyata sa cetanam|l 25

5. Divyavadana. p. 1 54-55 : Ananda restores to Prince
Kala his feet and hands that had been cut off: upasatpkramya
Kalasya raja-kumarasya hastapadan yatha -sthane sthapayitvai-
vam aha I ye kecit sattva apada va dvipada va bahupada va
yavan naiva sarpjnino nasamjhinas Tathagato ’rhan samyak-
sambuddhas tesani sattvanam agra rikhyatahj ye kecid dharmah
samskrta va ’samskrta va virago dharmas tesam agra akhyatahj
ye kecit sarpgha va gana va yuga va parsado va Tathagata-
sravaka-sarpghas tesam agra akhyatahj anena satyena satya-
vakyena tava sarirarp yatha-pauranarp bhavatui sahabhidhanat
Kalasya raja-kumarasya sarirarp yatha-pauranarp sarpvrttam.

6. Ibid., p. 613: The Buddha sets free Ananda from the
mantras that bind him : sarah prasannarp nirdosaip prasantarp
sarvato ’bhayamj itayo yatra samyanti bhayani calitani ca|| tarp
vai deva namasyanti sarva-siddhas ca yoginahj etena satya-
vakyena svasty Anahdaya bhiksavejl athayusman Anandah
patihata-candala-mantras candfila-grhan niskramya yena svako
viharas tenopasanikramitum arabdhah.

7. Tantrakhydyikd, p. 20. The adulterous wife of the
weaver says to him: dhig ghatosij ko mam anagasani viru-
payituni samarthahj srnvantu me lokapaU'ih yathiiharp kauma-
rarp bhartararp muktva nanyam parapurusain manasapi vedmi
tatha mamanena satyena avyahgam mukham astu.

It will be observed that Ananda (in example no. 5), when
performing the act of truth, utters a single spell that is very
long, while Krsna (in no. 4) makes use of five spells in
performing one act of truth.

I have already cited above Burlingame’s observation that
the act of truth is not peculiar to the Hindus or Buddhists but

VEDIC STUDIES

137

Part II]

has always been in use among all races of mankind. It should
not therefore cause one any surprise to find that the RV
contains many passages which refer to such acts. These
passages are :

I I II

(1)1, 161, 9: apo bhuyistha ity eko abravid

I \‘[ I I

agnir bhuyistha ity anyo abravlt]

11 I

vadharyantlip bahubhyah praiko abravid
II / j ,

rta vadantas camasan apinisataj)

Hymn 1, 161 is addressed to the Rbhus, the semi-divine
beings, who, having been born men, attained divinity and a
share in sacrificial offerings ; and like the other hymns addressed
to them, this hymn too mentions the five wonderful deeds
performed by them. These are — (1) the making of a chariot
which is horseless, rimless, three-wheeled and traverses space
(v. 3) ; (2) the making of two bay horses which yoke them-
selves to the chariot (v. 3) ; (3) the making of a nectar-yielding
cow from a hide (v. 3, 7) ; (4) the rejuvenation of their parents
who were old and frail (v. 3, 7) ; and (5) making into four the
one drinking cup originally fashioned by Tvastr (v. 4, 9).

The last-mentioned feat is the one that is most frequently
mentioned by the RV poets (see Macdonell, Ved. Myth.,
p. 133), and seems to have been thought the greatest. The
exact manner in which the Rbhus fashioned four cups out of

one is indicated to us by the epithet caturvayam ‘four-fold’ used
in connection with this feat in 1, 110, 3 and the statement,
“The eldest said, *I shall make two cups’; the younger, ‘we will
make three’ ; the youngest said, ‘I shall make four’ contained
in 4, 33, 5. These show that the cup was first duplicated by
one of the Rbhus cutting off, on the inside or outside of the
cup, a fairly thick layer so that, instead of the original cup,
there were now two, one fitting inside the other, and that this
process was repeated by the second Rbhu and the third. The
thickness of the cup was thus thrice reduced, and there came
into existence, in place of the original cup, four cups forming
a nest.

The above-cited verse deals with this feat, and it presents
to US the satya-vacana or spell of truth employed by each of the
three Rbhus in accomplishing the above feat. The spell

II ^

employed by the first Rbhu was, dpo bhUyisthdh. The ‘Waters

138 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV
are the greatest’ ; and that employed by the second was agnir-

I

bhuyisthah ‘Fire is the greatest’.

The spell employed by the third Rbhu is reproduced only
indirectly by the poet in piida c; in all probability, it was similar

to the spells used by the first two Rbhus and read as vadharyantl

bhuyisthd. The first of these two words, vadharyantl, is a hap.
leg. ; Sayana, in his RV commentary, explains it as ‘bank of
clouds {megha-pahkti)' or ‘earth {hhumiy, Ludwig, hesita-
tingly as ‘lightning’ or ‘fulgurating cloud’, Grassmann as
‘lightning’ or ‘bolt of lightning’, Hillebrandt (Lieder d. RV.,
p. 94) as ‘thuderbolt-hurler ( fern. )’,i and Geldner (RV. Uber.)
as ‘the season of thunderstorms or rain'. Now, vadhar denotes,
as pointed out by Sayana on the authority of Nighantu, 2, 20,
‘thunder-bolt’ ; and I agree therefore with Hillebrandt in inter-
preting as ‘thunderbolt-hurler (fem.)’ Like dpah

and agnih, however, this epithet too must denote a deity. Now,
the deities that are predominantly described as thunderbolt-
hurlers in the RV, are (1) Indra (cf. Macoonell, op. cit.,
p. 55; “The thunder-bolt, vajra, is the weapon exclusively
appropriate to Indra. It is the regular mythological name of
the lightning stroke” and the observations that follow on that

page; see also p. .S9), and (2) Dyaus; cf. 4, 17, 13: vibhanjanur

I '•» I

asanimdh iva dyauh ‘like Dvaus; hurling the thunder-bolt and

destroying’; 1, 176, 3: spdsayasva yo asmadhrug divyevdsanir
jahi ‘reveal him who is hostile to us, kill him like the thunder-
bolt of heaven’; 1, 143, 5: nayo vardya marutdni iva svanah

I I I I I

senevy srstd divyd yathdsanih ‘who, like the rush of the Maruts,
like a missile that has been hurled, like the thunderbolt of
heaven, is not to be stopped”. The name of the first-named
deity, Indra, is always masculine, while that of the other, dyauh,
is frequently used in the feminine also; see Macdonell, op. cit.,
p. 22 and the literature cited therein. It follows hence that the
epithet vadharyantl can denote Dyaus only and not Indra.

1. In spite of the feminine gender, however, Hillebrandt
(Ved. Myth. 3, p. 141) seems to interpret vadharyantl as Indra.

Part II] VEDIC STUDIES: 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 139

I therefore translate the verse as : “One said, ‘The Waters
are the greatest' ; another said, ‘Agni is the greatest’ ; another
declared the sky (Dyaus) to surpass many. Speaking truths,
did ye cut the drinking cups”.

1

In pada c, we have to supply, after pra, a word like

. <

nrtcana (see Grassmann’s observations s. v. pra). The expres-
sion bahubhyah pra is thus obviously a periphrasis for bhuyisthd
which seems to refer here to size (parimana), or alternatively,

to power or might. Concerning the greatness of the Waters,

I I I . I ' ' , . ,

compare 8, 3, 10: yend samudram asrjo mahir apas tad tndra

vrpti te savah\ sadyah so asya mahimd na sannasc yam ksonlr

anucakrade “Great is that strength of thine, O Indra, by which
thou didst send forth the great Waters towards the ocean.
That greatness of his at which the worlds have cried out is not

to be measured in a moment”; 8, 6, 16: yas ta indra mahir

apah stabhuyamdna dsayat\ ni tarn padydsu sisnathah “ Him,
O Indra, who lay hemming the mighty Waters, thou didst smite
in the feet” and the other verses (see Grassmann, s. v.

mahth) containing the expression mahir apah. In connection
with the greatness of Agni, compare Macdonell, op. cit., p. 38:
“Agni is a divine (asura) monarch (samrdj) strong as Indra
(7,6,1). His greatness surpasses that of mighty heaven
(1, 59, 5). He is greater than heaven and earth (3, 6, 2;
10,88,14), than all the worlds, which he filled when born
(3,3,10). He is superior to all the other gods in greatness
(1, 68, 2)” and the other observations that follow. Regarding

the greatness of Dyaus, compare 6,21,2: yasya divam\ti
I I *..1.1

mahnd prthivydh purumdyasya mice mahitvam “whose great-
ness surpassed that of Dyaus and of the earth”; 1, 59, 5 : divaicit

I I I I

te brhafo jatavedo vaisvdnata pra ririce mahitvam “Thy great-
ness, O Agni Vaisvanara, surpassed that of the great Dyaus

I ^ • ^1

even”; 1, 55, 1 : divai cid asya varimd vx papratha indram nc

I I II..

mahnd prthivx cana prati “his vastness has spread even beyond
the sky ; even the earth is not equal to him in greatness” and
the verses (see Grassmann s. v. mahi) in which the epithet

mahi is applied to Dyava-prthiia and Rodasl. Compare also the
XIV— 18

140 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

following sentences in the section on BhUma-vidya in the Chan-
dogyopanisad (7, 10 ff.) : dpo vyvdnndd bhuyah . . . tejo vd

adbhyo bhuyah . . . dkdso vdva tejaso bhuydn, and note

that the trinity of dpah, tejah and dkdsah mentioned here is

almost identical with the trinity of dpah, agnih and dyauh
{7’adharyanti) mentioned in 1, 161, 9.

It is doubtful if the significance of the expression

I I

rtd vadantah has been perceived by Sayana and the other inter-
preters. Sayana’s commentary on this verse reads as follows;
camasa-caturdha-karana-krde kim iii satyani vadanto vyabha-
janniti tad aha| ekah trayanam anyatamah apo bhuyisthah iti
abravitj nahi udakat prasastam lokopakarakain tattvantaram
asti] apo bhuyisthah iti rtam avadlt| apam eva sresthatvam *apa
eva sasarjadau’ (^Manu. 1, 8) ity-adi-sastrat| tatha anyah agnir
bhuyistha iti abravit] antarani bahyarn ca daha-paka-bhukta-
jaranadi-vyaparena agner eva jagan-nirvahakatvad agner eva
bhuyisthatvam ity eva manyatel tatha vadharyantim vadhar iti
rephantah api vajra-nama, ‘vadhah, arkah’ {Nighantu 2, 20, 7)
iti tan-namasu pathatj tad icchati vrsty-udakayeti vadharyanti
megha-pahktir ucyatej yadyaplyam sva-vadhartham vajrarn
svayam eva napeksate tathapi vrstyartham indra-vajrena
hanyamanatvat tad icchatily upacaryatej yad va| bahubhyah
tesam arthaya vadharyantim vadham atmana icchantim bhumim{
chandaso rephopajanah] tain eva ekah bahubhyah samvadibh-
yah sresthatamam abravitj udakasyapi megha-karanatvatj evam
rta rtani ukta-rupaniyatharthani vak>ani vadantah paraspararn
bruvantah camasan apimsata avayavino 'kuruta caturdha vya-
bhajata ity arthahj ‘pisa avayave’; ‘.se mucadinam’ itinumj idam
eva rta-vadanam apeksya rbhu-sabdam vyacaksano Yaskah
‘rbhava uru bhantili va rtena bhantiti va rtena bhavantiti va’
(Nirukta 11, lb) ity uktavanj]

The expression kim iti satyam vadantah and also the refer-
ence to Yaska’s derivation of the word rbhu seem to indicate
that Sayana has understood that the qua Implication of the
drinking cup is the effect of the spells of truth uttered by the
Rbhus. On the other hand, his explanation rtani ukta-rupdni
yathdrthdni vdkydni vadantah paraspararn bruvantah seems to
indicate otherwise; for, as becomes evident from the examples
cited above, spells of truth were spoken, not to particular indivi-
duals, but to the world at large.

Part II] VEDIC STUDIES: 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 141

I I

Hillehrandt (/. c.) translates rtd vadantah as ‘keeping
(your) words’, Grassmann (RF. Ueber.) as 'speaking good
words’, and Ludwig as ‘speaking truly’. Geldner {1. c.) tran-
slates as ‘saying true words to one another’ and adds the

I

following note: “9 is the amplilication of st. Id (there bhutim,

here bhuyisthah) . The words were spoken while they fashion-
ed the cups. Each one of them expresses a different opinion on
the question as to what has contributed most to the formation
of the wood [of which the cup was made], the fire (in plants),
the rain-water, or the Vadharyanil. This is, according to
Sayana, the bank of clouds or the earth that longs for the
lightning. The earth, in fact, would suit well as the third ele-
ment. If one accepts the meaning ‘season of storms, season

of rain’, one should then supply after hahubhyah the word

rtilbhyah. The ablative with as with pra~\-as’\ It

is thus the belief of these interpreters that the Rbhus’ utterance
of the truths is an accident and is not in any way connected
with their fashioning of the cups.

This opinion is, as we have seen above, erroneous; and
this is shown, further, by verse 6,47, 3 [ = TS. 3, 1, 9, 2]

III III

of the AVA: idam trtlyam savanam kavtndm rtena ye

II III I ,1^

camasam airayanta, te saudhanvanas svar unydh svasanistim no

abht vasyo nayantu. This verse too is addressed to the Rbhus
and speaks of their feat in connection with the drinking cup.
Pada c of this verse is translated by Wiiit.n’ey (p. 315) as

‘who rightfully {rtena) sent out the bowls’, by Ludwig {Der
RV., Ill, 429) as ‘who made the goblets apart in due order',

1. Durga, when explaining Yaska's words, tad etad Rbhos ca
bahuvacanena camasasya ca samslavena bahfmi damtaylsu suktani
bhavanti (Nirukta 11, 16), has observed, tad yathd: idam trtlyam
savanam kavlndm rtena yc camasam airayanta. Similarly, Skanda-
svamin and Mahesvara too, when explaining the same passage, have
observed, tad etad arbhavdni *kimu srestha’ ityasya sat^krtasya
samstavena-yuktdni sarvargveda-sdkhdsit bahiini sukidni vidyante \
tad yathd: idam trtlyam savanam kavlndm rtena ye camasam
airayanta iti. And thus, according to these commentators, this
mantra is found in all the sdkhds of the Rgveda. In reality, it is
not found in the extant version of the Rgveda-samhitd,

142 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

and by Prof. Berriedale Keith {Translation of the Taittiriya-
safnhitd) as ‘who righteously set the beaker in motion*. These

renderings of rtena airayanta are all wrong. In the first place,
none of the fifteen RV verses that refer to this feat of the
Rhhus contains any verb signifying ‘to send out’; the verbs used
in them are, kr (10 times; see 1, 20, 6; 110, 3; 161, 2; 4, 33,
5. 6; 35, 2.3.4. 5; 36,4), nind (twice; see 1, 161, 1.5) ind 'to
measure’ (once; see 1, 110, 5) and />/i ‘to cut’ (twice; see 1,
161, 9; 3, 60, 2). Now, the verb Ir, even by itself, and uncom-
pounded with vit has the sense of ‘to cut’ ; compare 10, 122, 2 :

gkrtanirnig brahmane gdtum eraya ‘cut a way for the prayer,
O thou that art clothed in ghee’; 2, 17, 1: visvd yad gotra

I I II II,

sahasd parlvrtd made somasya drmhitany atrayat ‘when he, in

the intoxication of Soma-juice, cut open in a moment all the
solid mountains (and set free) Avhat had been confined’; and
hence there is no doubt that it has that sense in this verse also.

Secondly, rtena too signifies ‘by truth’, that is, ‘by the spell of
truth’ (compare the analogous use of its equivalent, satyena, in
the passages cited above from the Mahabharata, Divyavadana
and Ramayana). The meaning of AV. 6, 47, 3 is thus: “This
third libation (is) for the poets who cut out the drinking cup by
means of a truth (-spell) ; let those {Rhhus), sons of Sudhanvan
who have attained heaven, conduct our well-made offering unto
what is better”. The epithet kavi in pada a is apposite and
refers to the ability of the Rhhus in c mposing mantras or

spells of truth. The epithet svar dnasdndh in c refers to the
Rbhus* attainment of immortality {amrfatvam ; cp. 1, 110, 4).
As pointed out by Bhatta-Bhaskara in his commentary (on TS
3, 1,9, 2: ye rtena satyena camasam camasdn jdtdv ekavacanam\

preritavantah krtavanta ity arthah), camasam in pada h stands

really for plural camasdn. Compare also Sayana’s explanation
camasam soma-bhaksana-patram ekam airayanta prairayanta
caturdhd vibhagena caturas camasdn akurvan.

(2) 4, 35, 5-6: jyestha aha camasa dva kareti

I ** I I

kanlyan trin krnavamety aha[

kanis^ha aha caturas kareti
I I ,1

tva^ta ybhavas tat pana3rad vaco vah||

Part II] VEDIC STUDIES; 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 143

I I > I I

satyam ucur nara eva hi cakrur

anu svadham rbhavo jagmur etaml

.,1 , 1'*^ I I

vibhrajamanams camasan aheva-

I I I

\’enat tvasta caturo dadrsvan 1|

These verses too are addressed to the Rbhus and speak of their
quadruplication of the drinking cup. Their meaning is : “The
eldest said, ‘I shall make two cups’ ; the younger said, ‘Let us
make three’; the youngest said, ‘I shall make four’. O ye
Rbhus, Tvastr assented to this word {i.e.y proposition) of
yours. The men uttered (spells of) truth. They did as
they had said; the Rbhus followed up their suggestion. Seeing
the four drinking cups, resplendent like days, Tvastr conceded
(that the Rbhus had carried out their word and quadruplicated
the drinking cup)”.

The meaning of panayat in verse 5 and of avenat in verse
6 is not clear. Sayana explains both words as ahglcakara, and
seems to understand panayat as ‘praised the offer of the Rbhus
as being very fair and accepted it’ and avrnat as ‘conceded
that they had carried out their word’, the offer being that, in
case they quadruplicated the cup, they should become immortal,
Geldner (o/?. cit ) and Ludwig understand panayat as
‘praised’ and Bergaigne (HI, 55) as ‘approved’, while avenat
has been understood by these scholars as ‘was astonished’, ‘was
pleased’, and ‘was charmed’ respectively. On the other hand,
PiSCHEL has contended (Ved. St., 1, 201) that pawetya/ signifies
‘laid a bet ; made a wager’ and avenat, ‘became angry’, while
Grassmann (RV. C7^6^r.) understands them as ‘was astonished’
and ‘became envious’ respectively.

I I I

With satyayn iicuh in 6a should be compared rta vadantah

in 1, 161, 9d explained above, and rtena in AV. 6, 47, 3 like-
wise explained above.

The above passage and 1, 161, 0 supplement each other in
the following respect : 4, 33, 4-5, while stating fully what the
purpose of each Rbhu was in performing the act of truth, does
not reproduce the wording of the spells of truth {satya-vacana)
employed by them; 1, 161, 9, on the other hand, does not state
the purpose of each Rbhu, but gives the wording of the spells
nsed by them,

144

JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

The only other mantra known to me (besides 10, 35, Sand
10, 37, 2 explained below) that reproduces the wording of a spell

I . I II I

of truth is AV. 4, 18, 1 : samam jyotih suryenahnd rdtrl

I I II I ' I '

samdvatl\ krnomi satyam iitaye ‘rasah santu krtvanh\\ ‘Light
is coeval with the sun ; night is equal to the day’. “For protec-
tion do 1 perform (this act of) truth; may the makers (fem.)
[of witchcraft] become impotent”. Padas ab contain the
spell (s) of truth pronounced by the agent with the twofold
object of making witchcraft impotent and of protecting himself
aga’nst it. Regarding the use of the verb kr in satyam krnomi,
compare the Pali term sacca-kiriyd, and the expression sacca-
kiriydm kr that is used in Milindapanha 119 ff., and Jdtakas 20,
35, 444 and 540 (see also JRAS. 1917, pp. 437 ff., 445, 446,
447 and 448 where a translation is given of these passages).

Sayana’s explanation of the verse is as follows: suryena
adityena tadlyarn jyotih prabha-mandalarn samam samanam
eva bhavati na kadacit tena viyujyatel ratri| ‘ratres cajasau’ iti
nlp| ratris ca ahna samavatl samanayama | sama-sabdat avatu-
pratyayah svarthikahj yathaivam prabha-prabhavator diva-ratr-
yos ca samanatvarn yathartham tatha satyam yathartham karma
krnomi karomi I kimartham| utaye abhicaryamanasya purusasya
raksanarthaml tasmat krtvarih kartana-silah krtyah arasah
kiskah karyasamarthah santu bhavantu; and it seems therefore
as if he has rightly understood the meaning of the expression
satyam krnomi.

II II

(3) 4, 36, 4: ekam vi cakra camasam caturvayam

I ’ I I I

nis carmano gam arinita dhitibhihj

I • ' .

atha devesv amrtatvam anasa

I ’ I II

ku§ti vaja rbhavas tad va ukthyamjj

This verse too is addressed to the Rbhus. 1 translate : “By
means of spells did ye make the one drinking cup fourfold, did
ye make the cow come out from the hide. Thus did ye, through
obedience, attain immortality among the gods; it, O ye Vajas,
ye Rbhus, is worthy of praise”.

Dhltibhih in pada b and also in 1, 161, 7a has been inter-
preted as ‘with wisdom'; with skill'by GRASSMANN(/?F’.t7^&^r.),
‘with inventive power’ by Ludwig and by Geldner (^op. cit.)
and as ‘with skill’ by Hillebrandt {op. cit). These interpre-

PartII] VEDIC STUDIES: 1. the act of truth 145

tations are wrong, and the word has, in both padas, the usual

meaning of mantra or spell. In this verse, dhitlbhih is to be
construed with vicakra also in a. We have already seen above
that the mantras used by the Rhhus for quadruplicating the
drinking cup were spells of truth. We learn therefore from
this verse that the Rhhus employed spells of truth in the making
of the cow also.

Srusti in d refers to the tasks which were laid on the Rhhus
by the gods. It was required of the Rhhus that they should

(1) quadruplicate the drinking cup, (2) make a horse, (3)
make a cow, (4) make a chariot, and (5) rejuvenate their
parents ; and, on accomplishing these tasks, they were to become
immortal and entitled to a share of the sacrificial offerings.
See 1, 161, 2-4.

II I . I

(4) 1, 161, 7: nis carmano gam arinita dhitibmr
ya jaranta yuvasa ta ‘krnotanaj

I I I ‘ ’

saudhanvana asvad asvam atak§ata

11 I

yuktva ratham upa devan ayatana 1 1

This verse also is addressed to the Rhhus. The meaning is :
“By means of spells, ye made the cow come out of the hide,
made youthful the two (parents) who were old; ye fashioned
a horse from a horse, O ye sons of Sudhanvan; yoking the
chariot, ye went to the gods”.

Dhltihhih in a is to be construed with akrnotana in b, and
ataksata in c also, W e have seen above that the Rhhus used
spells of truth ( 1 ) for quadruplicating the drinking cup, and

(2) for making the cow come out of the hide. We learn from
this verse that they used such spells for rejuvenating their
parents and for fashioning the horse also.

It is suggested by Bergaigne (II, 410, n. 2) that the ex-

pression aivdd asvam ataksata in pada b signifies, “ye made
one horse after another; i.e., ye made two horses”.

The ratha mentioned in pada d, it is thought, (see, for ins-
tance, Geldner, op. cit.) is the chariot which the Rhhus them-
selves mounted in order to go up to heaven. It is possible

^ I

however to regard the expression upa devan aydtana as being
merely figurative (and equivalent to devatvam dnaia) ; and one

146 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

is strongly tempted to interpret yuktva ratham as ^having put
together the chariot’, i.e.^ ‘having made the chariot’. As we
know, the making of the chariot was included in the tasks im-
posed upon the Rbhus. In this case, dhltibhih would have to

be construed with yuktva also; and we would learn from this
verse that the Rbhus made the chariot also by means of spells
of truth.

(5) 1, 20, 2-5 : ya indraya vacoyuja tataksur manasa hari j

I I

samibhir yajnam asata [|

I j I I

taksan nasatyabhyam parijmanam sukham

ratham I

i I I

taksan dhenum sabardugham 1 1

« .1

yuvana pitara punah satyamantrarjuyavah |

I ^ u

rbhavo visty akrata jl

I I I I

sam VO madaso agmatendrena ca marutvata j

I I

adityebhis ca rajabhih ||

“Who, by means of a spell, fashioned for Iiidra two bay
orses that yoke themselves at the word (of their master),
(they) attained (to a share in) the sacrifice by means of their
works.

“(They) fashioned for the.Nasatyas a chariot with a com-
fortable seat that goes everywhere ; they fashioned a cow that
yields nectar.

“The righteous Rbhus, by means of spells of truth, made
their parents again youthful as (part of) the task that had to be
performed by them.

“For you, accompanied by Indra attended by the Maruts
and by the kingly Adityas, did the Soma juices flow.”

These verses too are addressed to the Rbhus and speak of
the tasks performed by them. The four verses, so far as the
sense is concerned, form but one sentence, as has already been
pointed out by Skandasvamin in his commentary ; and the word

ye of V. 2 has to be construed with the verbs of w. 3, 4 also.
Similarly, the word manasa of v. 2 has to be construed with
tak$m\n 3a and 3c; and since we knaw that the manas

Part If] VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 147

spell) used by the Rbhus in connection with the
making of the horse and the cow is a spell of truth, it follows
that a similar spell Was used by the Rbhus when making the
chariot also.

I I

Visti in 4c and samibhih in 2c refer to the five tasks impos-
ed by the gods on the Rbhus, Of these tasks, four are men-
tioned in vv. 2-4 (the fifth task is mentioned in v. 6); and it is
stated in v. 5 that, (in consequence of the Rbhus having per-
formed them) the Soma streams flowed for the Rbhus, Indra
attended by the iVIaruts and the Adityas. The reference here is
to the third savana or Soma-pressing and to the libations
offered to these gods in that savana.

(

The epithet rjuyavah ‘righteous* in 4b refers, perhaps, to
the honourable performance by the Rbhus of the tasks under-
taken by them.

Satyamantrdh=:satyavacanah as explained by Skanda-
svamin; that is, ‘who employ spells of truth’. Verse 4 thus
states in explicit terms that the Rbhus rejuvenated their parents
by means of spells of truth. As we have seen above, it is by
this means that they performed their other tasks also. The
Rbhus are thus, pre-eminently, employers of rta or spells of
truth; and there can be no doubt that Yaska had this fact in
mind when he derived the word rbhu from rtena bhanti or
rtena bhavanti,

II I II

(6) 4, 33, 10: ye hari medhayoktha madanta
I I

indray a cakruh suyuja ye asva \

I II I . . I

te rayas posam dravinany asme

I ’ ’ • « . '

dhatta rbhavah ksemayanto na mitram | j

This verse too is addressed to the Rbhus, the feat spoken of in
it being the making of two bay horses. Pada a speaks of the
Rbhus ‘revelling in mantras’ i.e., ‘speaking mantras loudly’
when they made the horses; and these mantras were, as we
have seen above, spells of truth. I translate therefore :

“They who, speaking spells (of truth) loudly, made for
Indra by their cleverness the two bay horses that yoke them-
selves, may they grant us increase of riches and wealth, like
those establishing a friend/'

XIV— 19

148 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

I I .

suyuj—svayuj ‘self-yoking’; see VVSt. 1,40 f.

> ' I

(7) 4, 35, 4: kimmayali svic camasa esa asa

i‘ I ' I , ' I

yam kavyena caturo vicakra (

I ' I I

atha sunudhvam savanam madaya

I I I

pata rbhavo madhunah somyasya [ j
“Of what substance was that drinking cup made that ye, by
means of your poem, made fourfold ? Press now the liquid
offering for cheer. Drink, O ye Rbhus, of the sweet drink
made from the Soma plant.”

This stanza too is addressed to the Rbhus, and speaks of

their quadruplication of the drinking cup. kavyena ‘by the
poem’, in b, refers of course to the spell of truth employed by
them in performing this feat. Compare in this connection the
epithet kavi that is applied to them in AV. 6, 47, 3 explained

above and in 4, 36, 7 : dhlraso hi sthd kavayo vipascitah.

I I I

Pada c, athd sunudhvam savanam maddya, seems to be
incongruous as an address to the Rbhus ; on the other hand, it
is an appropriate exhortation to the sacrificial priests. Hence,
sunudhvam is interpreted in a passive sense, as ‘let them be
pressed for you’, by Oldenberg {RV. Noten, 1, 297) while
Geldner (RV. Ueber.) also suggests that the reference is
perhaps to the Rbhus’ pressing of the Soma juice ‘in order to
consecrate the four cups’ newly cut by them for the use of the
gods. It seems to me, however, simpler to regard c as an ex-
hortation addressed to the sacrificial priests themselves.

• I I I I II

(8) 4, 36, 2 : ratham ye cakruh suvrtam sucetaso

’vihvarantam manasas pari dhyaya|

_ « I 1 I

tan u nv asya savanasya pitaya
a vo vaja rbhavo vedayamasi||

“The clever ones who, by thinking of a spell, made an easy-
rolling chariot of unimpeded course, you, O ye Vajas, ye Rbhus,
do we now invite to drink of this Soma libatipn”.

This verse too is addressed to the Rbhus and refers to the

I I I

chariot made by them, manasas pari dhyaya—mantrasya dhyd-
nena ‘by thinking of the spell’, i.e., ‘by uttering the spell’.
This spell is, as we have seen above, a spell of truth.

Part II] VEDIC STUDIES: 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 149
The chariot made by the Rbhus was taken over by the

. ’ II I

Asvins for their own use (cp. 1, 161, 6: indro harl yuyuje

, .1 I I I , . , I I .

asvtnd ratham brhaspatir visvarupam updjata, ^Indra yoked the

two bay horses and the Asvins, the chariot ; Brhaspati drove off

I I ' I I

the all-coloured cow’; 10, 39, 12: d tena ydtam manaso javt-

I I I 1

yasd ratham yam vdm rbhavas cakrur as-vind <come, O ye

Asvins, with the chariot, swifter than thought, which the Rbhus
made for you’ ; and it is interesting to note that the epithet

rtajdh is applied to it in 3, 58, 8 : asvind pari vdm isah piiructr

I - , .1 I I I ’i *1

lyur glrbhtr yatamdnd amrdhrah] ratho ha vdm rtajd adrijutah
I . , L _ , . I . ’ I * . ’

pan dydvdprthivl ydti sadyah "Food of many kinds, beneficent,

has reached you, O ye Asvins, from all sides, competing with
hymns of praise. Your chariot that is produced from truth,
being impelled by the pressing* stones, traverses heaven and

I

earth in a moment”. The word rtajdh in this verse has been
rendered variously as ‘born from time’ (Geldner, RV. Ueber.),
‘produced by divine ordinance’ (Ludwig), ‘holy’ (Grass-
M ANN, RV. Uber.), ^nd ‘producer of water ; or, appearing in
the sacrifice’ (Say ana: rtasya udakasya janayitd, rte yajne
prddurbhavatxti vd) ; these are all palpably unsatisfactory, and
the real meaning of the word is, as given above, ‘born from

(a spell of) truth’. The chariot is called rtajdh because the
Rbhus made it by means of a rta or spell of truth.

I

The word avihvarantam in b has a passive sense and is
equivalent to avihruta-gati or apratihata-gati ‘whose course is
not impeded anywhere (in earth, air or water)’. It is thus

I

synonymous with the epithet parijmd ‘going on all sides, i. e.,
in all directions ; going every where’i that is applied to the

chariot of the Asvins in 10, 39, 1 : yo vdm parijmd suvrd asvind

rathah (note the juxtaposition of parijmd and smrt here), in
1, 20, 3 explained above, in 4, 4.5, 1 and 10, 41, 1. Compare

1. Such chariots are known to classical Sanskrit literature
also; compare, for instance, Raghuvamsa 5, 27: Vasistha-mantrok-
sanaja^prabhavad udanvad-dkdsa-mahldharesu\ marut-sakhasyeva
valdhakasya gatir vijaghne na hi tad-rathasya and the explanation
daSasu diksu apratihato ratho yasya {sah Dasarathah) that is
usually given of the name daSaratha.

ISO JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

also the description of the Asvins' chariot contained in 3, 58, 8

(explained above) : ratho ha vam pari dydvdprthivi ydti

sadyah; 1, 180, 1 : ratho yad vdm pary arndmsi diyat; 4, 45, 7 :

' , , I ,1 1*1 ' I

ratnah yena sadyah pan rajdmsi ydthah; 1, 180, 10:

• . . ‘ . I . • I I I

anstanemtm pari dydni iydnam ; 7, 69, 1 : d vdm ratho rodoM

badbadhdnah 7, 69, 2 : sa paprathano abhi panca bhuma and 7

! II I I

o9, 3: VI vdm ratho... antdn divo bddhate vartanibhydm.

(y) 3, 60, 2: yabhis sacibhis camasah apirnsata

I ,11 I . I ‘

yaya dhiyfi gam arinita carmanah |

I I I .* I ,

yena hari manasa nirataksata
I I r

tena devatvam rbhavah sam anasa[[

“Because ye, by means of spells, cut out the drinking cups, be-
cause ye, by means of a spell, made the cow come out from
the hide, because ye fashioned the two bay horses by means of
a spell, ye have therefore, O Rbhus, attained to godhead”.

This verse too is addressed to the Rbhus and speaks of
their attainment of godhead because, by means of spells, they

performed the feats mentioned, sad in o.=:dhlh in b=manah in
c; compare Nighantu 1, 11 which mentions iaa among the
synonyms of vac.

.1 , I I

( 10) 4, 35, 5 ; sacyakarta pitara yuvana
.1 1,1
sacyakarta camasani devapanani i
.III
sacya hari dhanutarav atas-

tendravaiiav rbliavo va,jaratnah||

“By means of a spell, did ye make young your parents ; by
means of a spell, did ye make the drinking cup of the gods; by
means of a spell, O Rbhus that possess the best of wealth, did
ye make the two bay horses that are the best runners and carry
Indra”.

This verse too is addressed to the Rbhus; sa€lz=mantra—
spell of truth.

We have finished with the verses that are concerned with
the feats of the Rbhus; and we shall now consider some verses
that are concerned with the Ahgirases and their feats.

Part II] VEDIC STUDIES; 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 151

The Ahgirases are a class of semi-divine beings who are
sometimes described by the RV poets as ‘sons of heaven’, ‘sons
of gods’ (see Macdonell, op. a7., p. 142). More often, they
are -described as pitarah ‘fathers’, nah pitarah ‘our fathers’, or
nah purve pitarah ‘our ancient fathers'. The principal feat
mentioned in connection with them is the piercing of Vala and
the freeing of the imprisoned cows. In addition, it is sometimes
mentioned that they dispelled the darkness, won the Dawns, won
the light, caused the sun to mount the sky, spread out the earth,
etc. These feats are attributed to Indra also who is twice
called ahgirastama or ‘chief Ahgiras’, to Indra accompanied by
the Ahgirases, to Brhaspati to whom too the epithet ahgirastama
is applied, or to Brhaspati accompanied by the Ahgirases ; and it
hence becomes clear that in the opinion of the rsis, the feats
were, in fact, performed by the Ahgirases, Indra and Brhaspati
conjointly.

it has already been pointed out by Geldner (/?F. Ueber.,
note on 4, 1, 13) that the word rta occurs prominently in the
stanzas that refer to this myth in connection with the Ahgirases.
VVe shall see below that the same word rta or its equivalents
occur prominently in similar circumstances in connection with
Indra and Brhaspati also.

The following pair of stanzas is addressed to Indra; but
there is a reference in the first stanza to the Ahgirases and their
rending of Vala:

I i . I I

(11) 10, 138, 1-2; tava tya indra sakhyesu vahnaya

I I ,

rtani manvana vy adardirur valaml
I ' . I I I I

yatra dasasyann usaso rinann apah
I I II , ‘ r

kutsaya manmann ahyas ca darTisayahjl
I . 11 , „ I I

avasrjah prasvah svancayo girin
I ’ ‘ I I ’ I I

ud aja usra apibo madhu priyam|

I \ 1

avardhayo vanino asya danisasa

III \

susoca surya rtajataya girajj

“In thy companionship, O Indra, those priests, thinking of a
truth (-spell), rent Vala; at which time, they gave the Dawns
and let the Waters run. Thou didst also punish the ahis at the
prayer of Kutsa.

152 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

“Thou didst let loose the mothers, humble the mountains,
drive out the cows, drink the pleasant sweet Soma, and become
strong through the magical power of that tree (i.e., Soma).
The sun shone by virtue of the spell born of truth”.

The expression rtant manvdnah in verse 1, pada b, is

. . • • >
synonymous wiih the expression pari dhyayd in 4, 36, 2

explained above and signifies ‘uttering a spell of truth’ (see

Grassmann, s. V. man 16). Compare the analogous use of the

word in 1, 62, 1 : pra nianmahe savasdndya susam dngusam

yirvanase aiigirasvat “We utter, like the Angirases, an invigora-
ting hymn for the strong one who is fond of hymns”; 5, 13, 2:

agneh stomam mandmahe sidhram adya divisprsah ‘we utter a
successful song of praise for Agni who has reached up to

heaven’; 7, 82, 10; devasya siokam savitur mandmahe ‘we utter
a spell in praise of god Savitr*.

The words tye vahnayah in pada a refer, as pointed out by
Sayana, to the Angirases, and it is said in pMas a,b,c that they
by means of a spell of truth, pierced Vala, caused the Dawns to
appear and released the Waters that had been shut up in Vala.

The meaning of ahyah and damsayah in piida d is obscure, and
the translation given above is based on the meaning given by
Grassmann in his W oerterbiich. Ludwig too translates pada d
as ‘dasz Kutsa’s man gedenke und [ziigleich] als zuchtiger des
Ahi’ and thus seems to approve Grassmann's explanation of the
root darns as ‘to punish’ ; Sayana on the other hand explains
taddnlm ahyo ’her vrtrasya ca damsayah karmdni vitathdny
dsann ity arthah.

The second verse too speaks of the same deeds, namely,
of the letting loose of the rivers and the rending of the moun-
tains, and, in addition, of the driving out of the cows and the
setting up of the sun in heaven ; the first two deeds however
are here attributed to Indra, and so is the third.

11

Prasvah ‘mothers’, m pada a, denotes the waters or the
rivers; see Grassmann, s. v. mdtr 14 and mdtrtamd. svancayah
‘didst humble’, in pada b, signifies ‘didst vanquish and rend’.

vaninah, in c, refers to Soma who is often described as
vanaspali (for references, see Grassmann, s. v.). Compare also

Part II] VEDIC STUDIES: 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 153
3, 40, 7 : ahhi dyumn&ni vanina indratn sacante aksita\ pltvl

I

somasya vdvrdhe. “The inexhaustible splendours of Soma go
to Indra. After drinking Soma, he became strong", and note the

use of vaninah in this stanza also to denote Soma.i In d, the
‘spell born of truth’ refers, apparently, to the spell of truth
uttered by the Ahgirases ; compare the words ya rtena shryam

arohayan divi in 10, 62, 3 explained below. Or, does it, by any
chance, refer to a spell of truth uttered by Indra ? See the
observations under 6, 39, 2 explained below.

Padas c, cl have been explained by Sayana as follows:
tathCi vanino vana-sahnhaddhan vrksdn\ yad va \ vanam ity
udaka-ndma\ tad-yuktan samudrdn\ avardhayah vrsti-pradanena
vardhayasi\ rta-jdtaya\ rtam yajnah tadartham jatafn janma\
yasyds taycl gird veddtmikayd vdcd stuyamdnasyendrasya
damsasd karmand” vrnvato vrtrdder apt nodandtmakena suryah
suUca\ nabhasi pradidipel yad vd\ ria^jdtayd gireti suryasyaiva
visesanam\ irayl-rupayd vdcd pradipya tty arthah\ *rgbhih
purvdhne divi deva iyate’ ityddikam Taittirlyakam atrdnusam-
dheyam (3, 12, 9). Similarly, Grassmann too translates
these padas as, “Und liesst die Baeume wachsen durch des
Methes Kraft; die Sonn’ erglaenzte durch das fromm erzeugte
Lied”, and Ludwig as, ‘du verliehst gedeihen durch discs
bautncs wunder, er brannte die sonne durch das der welt-
ordnung entsprechende lied’. Bergaigne interprets rtajdtd glh
as ‘the hytnn born in order, that is, conforming to the law’
(in, 245; see also II, 188 and 290).

II I I I

(12) :0, 62, 2-3: ya udajan pitaro gomayam vasv

II I ' I

rtenabhindan parivatsare valamj

I

dirghayutvam ahgiraso vo astu

I . , 1

prati grbhnita manavam sumedhasah|t

III I

ya rtena suryam arohayan divy

aprathayan prthivim matararn vi'|

1. Geldner, inhisRF. £/e5er., renders vonwoA as ‘wooden
vessel’, but in the note explains it alternatively as ‘of Soma, who
sits in the wood’ (9, 107, 18)

154 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

I

suprajastvam angtraso vo astu
prati grbhnita manavam sumedhasahlj

“The fathers who, by means of (a spell of) truth drove out the
wealth consisting of cows, and pierced Vala at the end of the
year, to you, O Ahgirases, may there be long life. Receive, O
ye sagacious ones, the son of Manu.

“Who, by means of (a spell of) truth, made the sun mount
the sky and spread wide mother earth, to you, O Ahgirases, may
there be good progeny. Receive, O ye sagacious ones, the son
of Manu”.

til I

(13) 7, 76, 4: ta id devanam sadhamada asann
rtavanah kavayah purvyasah|

II II

gulham jyotih pitaro anv avindant

• . '
satyamantra ajanayann usasam||

“Those ancient fathers, poets and followers of the law, were
indeed boon companions of the gods; by means of spells of
truth they discovered the hidden light and engendered the
Dawns”.

The ‘fathers’ are the Ahgirases; and the ‘hidden light’
discovered by them is the sun. gulham jyotir anvavindan here

I I I

has the same signification as suryam drohayan divt in 10, 62, 3
explained above ; and similarly, usdsam ajanayan signifies the
same as usaso dasasyan in 10, 138, 1 explained above, satya-
maw has the force of an instrumental {z=satya-mantraih) ,
and is equivalent to satya-vacandh as in 1, 20, 4 explained
above.

It. II I

(14) 4, 3, 11-12: rtenadnm vyasan bhidantah

II I ■

sam ahgiraso navanta gobhih|

sunam narah pari sadann usasam
i, « , , . . I r

avih svar abhavaj jate agnaull

I III

rtena devir amrta amrkta

*1 I 'i

arnobhir apo madhumadbhir agnel

III I

vaji na sargesu prastubhanah

pra sadam it sravitave dadhanyul^l]

Part II] VEDIC STUDIES: L THE ACT OF TRUTH 155

*‘By means of a (spell of) truth did they pierce the mountain
and hurled it far; the Ahgirases roared with the cows.
Pleasingly (i.e., with pleasing results, well) did the men wor-
ship the Dawn; light appeared when Agni was born.
“By means of a (spell of) truth, O Agni, did the divine,
immortal, uninjuring (i.e., beneficent) Waters flow (i.e., were
impelled to flow) for ever with sweetness-bearing torrents, (as
swiftly) as a race-horse that is encouraged by words in races”. •
Hymn 4, 3 is addressed to Agni which explains the
presence of the vocative agne in pada c of verse 12. Narah, in
pada cof verse 11 refers to the Atigirases ; and Agni himself is
addressed as angiras in v. 15 of this hymn.

Pada c of verse 11 refers to the Angirases making the
Dawns appear, and pada d, to their giving light to the world.

I

Agnau, in d, refers, without doubt, to the celestial fire, that is,
the sun (see in this connection Bergaigne, I, 22 and Macdonell,
op. cit., p. 93) ; and the pada thus speaks of the Angirases
causing the sun to be born in the sky. Verse 12 refers to the
Afigirases’ release of the Waters shut up in the mountain cave
(Vala).

The statement (in pada b of verse 11) that ‘the Angirases
roared with the cows’ is somewhat cryptic. It signifies (I)
that the Angirases released the cows that had been imprisoned
in the mountain, and (2) that the sound made by the Angirases
when uttering the spell of truth was loud and was blent with
that made by the imprisoned herd of cows. This, of course, is
a natural consequence of the Angirases being many in number;
and it explains why this sound is called rava ‘roar, shout’ in 1,
71, 2 and other verses.

Compare with this pada 1, 62, 3: brhaspatir bhinad adrim

I I I I I ‘

vidad gdh sam usriydbhir vdvasanta narah and 5, 45, 8* sam

till

yad gobhir ahgiraso navanta; and in connection with pada a

compare 6, 17, 5 : maham adrim pari ga indra santam nutthk
1111

acyittam sadasah pari svdt ‘Thou, O Indra, didst remove from
its place the big unshakable mountain which was encompassing
(i.e,, imprisoning) the cows’.

1 look upon amrktdh in verse 12 as being act I \ e In meaning,
and signifying ‘uninjuring’; regarding the form dadhanyuh, see
Oldenberg’s observation in SBE. 46, p. 330.

XIV- 20

156 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [VoL. XIV

(lo) 4, 1, 13-17: asmakam atra pitaro manusya

I, I I ^ ‘i

abhi pra sedur rtam asusanah |

I , ■ I ' r ■ I

asmav rajah sudugha vavre antar
' ' . ■ I I

ud usra ajann usaso huvanahj |

I . * I I \

te marmrjata dadrvamso adrim

I _ ' I * I ‘ j
tad esam anye abhito vi vocan |

, » I. , I

pasvayantraso abhi karam arcan

.1.1., I I

vidanta jyotis cakrpaiita dhibhihll

I I I ' I 1

te gavyata manasa drdhram ubdham

I I I I ' I

gil yemanam pari santam adriini
I I ■ I I

drlham naro vacasa daivyena

• I ' I

vrajam gomantam usijo vi vavruh||

I II ‘ I

te manvata prathamarn nama dhenos

t • I , •

tris sapta matuh paramani vindan!

!- - ' '

taj janatir abhy anusata vra

1 i’ll

avir bhuvad arunir yasasa gohjj

nesat tamo dudhitam rocata dyaur
I , It ‘ I

ud devya usaso bhanur arta|

J l I . i . •

a suryo brhatas tisthad ajran

rju martesu vrjina ca pasyan[l

This passage too refers to the Ahgirases and to their
rending of the mountain and freeing of the imprisoned covys.

rta, therefore signifies in this connection, a ‘(spell of) truth’
as we have seen above.

I , I

The expression rtam asusanah has been interpreted
variously as rtam yajnam asusanah asnuvanah santah (Sayana),
‘aspiring after rta' (Oldenberg, SBE. 46, p. 309), ‘stimulating
one another in right belief '(Geldner, RV Ueber.), ‘accelerating
the sacrifice’ (Ludwig), ‘kindling the holy one’ (Grassmann,
RV. Ueber.), and ‘hastening to accomplish the law’(BERGAiGNE,
I, 133).

The last five interpretations are based, without doubt, on

the meanings -'adsplrare, sich zn naelierii sucben, erstreben, zn
vollbringen suchen’ assigned to asusanah by Boehtlixgk and
Roth in the PW and on the meanings *schnaufen bei

Part II] VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 157

angestrengter Arbeit, anfachen, in Taetigkeit setzen, anregen,
erregen* assigned to that word by Grassmann in his
Woerterbuch. But it should be noted that the root, svas-sus has
elsewhere only the meanings ‘schnaufen, schnauben’, etc.,
(i.e., ‘to snuffle, to snort*, etc.) according to these lexicogra-
phers, and that the above meanings are assigned to asusdndh by
them in connection with rta only. This is quite unjustified,
and there does not seem to be any reason why the root svas-ius
should be given here a meaning different from what it has in
the majority of the RV passages. As will be shown in the
article that follows, svas-sus signifies ‘to make a loud sound’ in

these passages; and I accordingly interpret rtam dsusdndh as
‘speaking a (spell of) truth loudly*.

The word ahhi praseduh in v. 13b is a hap. leg., and has
been explained as ‘sat down’ by Oldenberg (SBE. 46, p. 308),
Geldner (RV. Ueber.), Ludwig, Bergaigne (I. 133), and
Grassmann (/?F. Uebcr.), and ns agnim abhilaksya prajagmuh
by Sayana. Considering that the word marmrjata is used of
the Angirases in the very next verse (pada a), T have no
hesitation in believing that it means praseduh, i.e., prasan-
ndtmdno babhuvtth ‘composed their minds’, marmrjata, signi-
fies, of course, ‘became pure’, sucayo babhuvuh.

Compare in this connection the following observations
made by Burlingame on pp. 432-3, 1. c. : “The Act of Truth,
although frequently a humdrum charm, and usually very
simple, is always a formal act. Sometimes, especially in the
Buddhist and Jain records, it takes on the character of a quasi-
sacramental rite, and is performed with scrupulous attention to
preliminary details and accompanying ceremonies. For
example, a woman, about to transform herself into a man, in-
vokes the deities as witnesse.s. .A tiny quail, before conjuring a
forest fire to turn back, engages in solemn meditation on the
Buddhas and their acquired powers. A king and queen,
intending to cross rivers on dry foot, meditate on the virtues of
the Buddha, the Law, and the Order. A queen, intending to
cross a river on dry foot, goes to the bank of the river with her
retinue in ceremonial attire, and, first invoking the goddess of
the river, with hands both joined, and ivith a pure heart,
pronounces the magic words. ... A woman, about to undergo
the ordeal of passing between the legs of a yaksa, before
making her Act of Truth, bathes, puts on fresh garments, and

158 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

offers incense and flowers to the yaksa. A skipper, before
making an Act of Truth to avoid shipwreck, orders his fellow-
mariners to bathe him in perfumed zvater, clothe him in nezv
garments, prepare him a full bowl, and place him in the bow of
the ship. He performs his Act standing in the bow of the ship,
and holding the bowl in both his hands’*. Compare also the
following passage at the beginning of the Asvalayana-
grhyasutra-parisista : karta sndto dhautanardra-vdsd yajno-
pavlty dcdntah prdhmukha dsino dak^nanga-kdri samdhito
mantrdnfe karma kurvlta . . . karmanonta dcamanam ceti
sdmdnyam enjoining that the kartr, before beginning the per-
formance of the rites known as rddhi and purta (i.e., sacra-
mental and similar rites), should first bathe, put on washed dry
clothes, wear yajnopavita, sip water and be of composed mind.
Similarly Asvalayana has said (see p. 166 of the Mysore edition
of Nrsimha’s Prayogapdrijdta) : dcamya cdtmanah suddhim
krlvd karma samdrabhet\ anddese svayam kartd sabhyd rtvik-
Purohitdh; and Nrsiniha too writes at the beginning of the
Prayogaparijata (book of ritual for Asvalayana Brahmans) in
the section on Svasti-vdcana prayoga: atha yajamdnah
krtdbhyahgddi kriyah sv-alatnkrto darbha-pdnis sucir bhiltvd.

The word abhi praseduh in v. 13 b expresses the same idea
as the word samdhitah in the Grhya-parisista passage given
above, and marmrjata in v. 14 a, the same idea as the expres-
sions sndto dhautanardra-vasa yajnopavlty dcdntah, dcamya
cdtmanah suddhim krtvd and hicir bhiitvd in the above- cited
passages.

I therefore translate the passage as follows;

“Here our human fathers composed their minds; uttering a
(spell of) truth loudly, they drove out the cows, good yielders
of milk, that had been penned up in the mountain, in the cave,
(and) the Dawns, calling (them).

“Being about to rend the mountain, they purified them-
selves. Others around proclaimed it. Having freed the
cattle, they sang triumphantly; they won the light (after)
they chanted spells.

“With mind set on cow^;, those men, theUsijs, opened with
divine words the fa-t-hoiding closed mountain, which
encompassed and confined the cows, the solid stable full of
cows.

Part II] VEDIC STUDIES: 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 159

“They uttered first the name of the milch-cow ; they found
the thrice-seven highest (names) of the mother. Responding
to it, the females cried out. The bright one appeared with the
glory of the cow.

“The raging darkness disappeared ; the sky became lucent ;
there arose the splendour of the goddess Dawn; the sun (rose
and) overlooked the wide plains, observing the straight and
crooked (doings) among the mortals”.

In V. 13, pada d can also signify 'drove out the cows
calling the Dawns’; and this is, in fact, the interpretation
adopted by Sayana, Oldenberg (SBE. 46, p. 309) and
Geldner (RV. Ueber.), Compare however 10, 68, 7:

ornaspatir amata hi fyad asani ndnia svarlndm sadane guhd yat\
I , I I ‘ I I ’ ‘ I I

anqeva bliitvd sakiinasya garhham ud iisnyah parvatasy a inland-

jat which deals with the same mytli, and which says that
Brhaspati uttered the names of the lowing cows in the cave
and drove them out of the mountain; compare also v. 15
below.

In V. 14, we do not know who the persons are that are

referred to in pada b as ‘Others around’ {esam anye abhitah).
In c, 1 have followed Geldner (RV. Ueber.) in interpreting
/ *

pasvayantrdsah as ‘having freed the cattle’, yantram—
yantranam, ‘conlinement, restraint’, and aya«/rflm= freedom; I

regard pasvayantrdsah as a vyadhikarana bahavrlki {pasundni
ayantram yaih) signifying ‘those by whom the cattle have been

freed’. Compare the e.xpression gd yemdnam adrim in v. 15 b.

Geldner however regards (o/>. cil.) pasvayantrdsah as a
compound of ayantrdh pasavah (^yesdm) with piirva-nipata of
the latter word ; and he interprets the expression as ‘when their
herd was freed from confinement’. For other explanations of
this hap. leg., see Olden berg, SBE. 46, p. 313 f. and RV.
No ten, I, 263.

Regarding v. 16 ab, compare Geldner’s note in op. cit. ;
'It is known from the ritual that the cows had individual
names by which they were called; cp. VS. 8, 43; RV. 10,
169, 2; Sat. Br. 1, 7, 1, 7; and Sayana’s commentary on TS,
Vol. I, p. 72, 4’. See also Sayana's commentary on this verse.
The ‘mother* in b seems to be, -not the Dawn, but the cow ; see

160 JOUNRAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

Geldner^s note on p. 374 op. cit. and compare 7, 87, 4:
tr\h sapia namaghnyd bibharti ‘the cow has thrice seven names’.

taj janatlh, in c, means ‘recognising it’ that is, ‘responding to
it’. Regarding vrdy I am inclined to agree with Pischel {V ed.
St., 2, 121 ff.) that it signifies ‘female’. Nearly allied to this
interpretation is that of Bergaigne, ‘woman; in particular,
woman in rut, amorous woman’ (Quarante hymnes, p. 14) and
of Geldner, ‘alluring female’ {op. cit., note on 1, 121, 2). In d,

yaso goh is believed to refer to the milk of the cow; see
Geldner’s note in op. cit., p. 374; Oldenberg’s translation in
SBE. 46, p. 309 and note on p. 314. Perhaps, however, the
genitive suffix in goh denotes abheda ; gor yasasyd would then
mean gavabhinnena yasasd, ‘with the glory of cows’, that is,
‘with cows’.

dudhitam, in v. 17 a, is derived from the root dudh which
is enumerated in the Nighantu among the krudhyati-karmanah
(2, 12). dudhitam tamah thus signifies ‘raging darkness’,
that is, ‘darkness that rages through the world, uncon-
trolled’, or ‘unyielding darkness’ (Geldner, RV . Ueber.).

The ‘spells’, dhiyah. mentioned in v. 14 d, and the ‘divine
word’ (vaco daivyam) of v. 15 c seem to be identical with the
rta (‘spell of truth’) of v. 13 b.

1 I '

(16) 4, 2, 14-16: adha ha yad vayam ague tvaya

It,

padbhir hastebhis cakrma tanubhihl
ratharn na kranto apasa bhurijor

I " . II

rtam yemuh sudhya asusanahlj
I ’ . J I , < -

adha matur usasah sapta vipra

I 'ill

jayemahi prathama vedhaso nfnj
I II.

divas putra angirasobhave-
madrim rujema dhaninam sucantahj!

I i II,

adha yatha nah pitarah parasah

‘ - -'i.i

pratnaso agna rtam asusanah

II I ■ , I ■

sudd ayan didhitim ukthasasah

I I 11

k$ama bhindanto arunir apa vranjl

Part II] VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 16t

“Whatever, O Agni, we have done for thee with thoughts,
hands, bodies, (may it find favour with thee). Like those that,
making a chariot with labour, guide it between the shafts, the
sagacious ones have, uttering the (spell of) truth loudly,
broadcast it.

“May we be born from mother Dawn, as the seven bards,
the first worshippers among men. May we become Angirases,
sons of Heaven. May we, effulgent, rend the mountain
containing wealth,

“speaking loudly the (spell of) truth, O Agni, like our
ancient remote fathers. They attained, indeed, to pure
thoughts; chanting spells, (and) cleaving the earth, they
disclosed the bright ones”.

Hymn 4, 2 is addressed by Viimadeva to Agni; and in the
above passage, the rsi prays to Agni that he (and his com-
panions?) may, like the Angirases of old, become bards, utter
spells of truth, and rend the mountains imprisoning cows.

In verse 14, padas ab contain a relative clause with the
first person plural vayam as subject, pada c consists of a
simile, while d contains a sentence with the third person plural
as finite verb. It is the opinion of Pischel {Ved, St.
1,240), Geldnek (RV, Ueber.) and Ludwig(1V, 310) that the
persons denoted by vayam in a and sudhyah in d are identical,
and that the third person plural yemuh represents the first per-
son plural yemima. Sayana interprets yat in a as yasmat and
thus gets over the difficulty caused by yemuh, while Grassmann
(RV. Ueber.) translates the verse as it stands without offering
any solution of the difficulty. Oldenberg (SBE. 46, p. 318)
supplies the words ‘in those deeds of ours’ after the relative
clause and thus makes one sentence of the four padas.

When explaining this verse in VVSt. 1, 283, I had
followed Pischel, Geldner and Ludwig and regarded yemuh
as standing for yemima, because, at that time, I believed with
them that rtam, in pada d, signified ‘law, order’. As pointed

I . I I

out above however, rtam, in the expression rtam asusdnah
signifies ‘spell of truth’ in 4, 1, 13. It is hardly likely that it
can have another signification in the same expression in 4, 2,
14; and I am therefore disposed to believe that, as in 3, 14, 7 :

I I I I I II

fubhyam daksa kavikraio ydmvtd deva martdso adhvare akarmal
ttfotfi visTMsya sttrathasya boah* sarvant tad ague amrta svadeha

162 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

(addressed to Agni), padas ab of 4, 2, 14 also contain an in-
complete sentence, and that the apodosis is lacking in both
cases. In both these verses, we have to understand after the

relative clause the words ta; jusasva (cp. 1, 75, l .jusasva

I I I 'i

saprathastamam vaco devapsarastaniam ; 4, 9, 7 : asmakant
josy adhvaram asmdkam yajnam angirah), taj justam astu

I ‘ I 'i ” I

(cp. 1, 73, 10: eta te agna ucathani vedho justam santu manase

, t III

hrde ca)y tac cikiddhi (cp. 4, 4, 11: tvam no asya vacasas

cikiddhi; 5, 22, 4: ague cikiddhy a^vo na idam vacah sahasya)
or other similar words.

Pada c, ratham na kranto apasd hhurijoh, is to be
construed with pada d, and not with padas ab; for not only is
the verb yam appropriate in connection with the object ratham

(cp. 1, 119, 5: yuvor asvind vapuse yuvdyujam ratham v ant

I ■ I I ‘ I I

yematur asya sardhyam ; 5, 73, 3: Irmanyad vapuse vapus
, • I 1 I ’ ' .

cakram rathasya yemathuh; 1, 30, 19: ny aghnyasya murdhani

cakram rathasya yemathuh) and with the object rtam (cp. 4,

-> rv ' I I ' I I * I I

3, 9:rtena rtam niyatam tla d goh) 4, 23, \9‘. rtam yemana

rtam id vanoti), but the making of a spell is also frequently
compared by the RV poets with the making of a chariot. See

..II I I

in this connection 1, 94, 1: tmam stomam arhate jStavedase

I . I I ’ ^

ratham tva sam mahenid manlsayd “Using our intelligence, we

have put together this song of praise for the worshipful Jata-
vedas as (carpenters put together) a chariot”; 1, 130, 6:

. I I I I I I I I

tmdm te vacant vasuyanta dyavo ratham na dhlrah svapd
ataksisuh “Desiring wealth, the Ayus have fashioned this spell
for thee, as a skilled artisan does a chariot”; 4, 16, 20:

I ( III I II

eved tndrdya vrsabhdya vrsne brahmdkarma bhrgavo na ratham
“Thus have we made a spell for the strong excellent Indra, as

Bhrgus make a chariot”; 5, 73, 10: imd brahmdni vardhand
, \ I • • > •

*svibhydm santu samtamd\ yd iaksdma rathdn iva “May these

spells that we have fashioned as (carpenters do) chariots,
invigorate the two Asvins and be most acceptable to them” ; 10,

II I II

39, 14 : etam vdm stomam asmndv akarm&taksdma bhrgavo na
ratham “This song of praise have we made for you, O Aivixi^

Pa«tI1] VEDIC STUDIES: 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 163
fashioned as Bhrgus do a chariot”. Compare also 1, 61,4:

1 1 I ‘ I 1 I

asmd td u stomam sam htnomi ratham na tasteva “I send forth

this song of praise to him, as a carpenter does a chariot”, in
which the sending forth of the hymn is compared to the sending
forth of a chariot.

Padbhih, in padaa, signifies ‘with (our) minds’; seeVVSt.

1, 262 ff. Regarding bhurijoh, I follow Pxschel (o/>. a/.,
p. 239 ff.) in interpreting it as ‘between the two shafts’. In c,

I I

ratham is to be construed with both krantah and [yacchantil^
and similarly, rtam with both asusandh and yemuh.

I I

The ‘seven bards’ (sapta viprah) or priests mentioned in
verse 15a are identical with the seven seers {sapta rsayah)
mentioned in 4, 42, 8 and other verses; see Macdonell, op. cit.,
p. 144, and Geldner RV. Ueber. p. 306. They are mentioned,
along with the Navagvas, in 6, 22, 2, as praising Indra, and, in
all probability, formed part, like these latter, of the large group

of priests known as Angirases; compare the words divas putrd

angiraso bhavema in pada c. nfn, in pada b, is equivalent to
nrndm (see Oldenberg, SBE. 46, p. 322) or nrsu. The
wealth (dhana) spoken of in d in connection with the mountain
(adri) is, without doubt, the cows imprisoned in it ; compare

the expression gomayatn vasu in 10, 62, 2 explained above.

In v. 16, the relative clause in padas a b is regarded by
Oldenberg (SBE. 46, p. 322) as an incomplete sentence, the
apodosis of which is lacking ; and the words ‘thus may we do
the same’ are supplied by him after it. Geldner {RV. Ueber.)
translates the verse as, “Und wie unsere ehemaligen Vater, die
sich von alters zur Wahrheit aneiferten, O Agni, so mogen
(jetzt) die in Liedern Redenden zu klarer (Erleuchtung), zur
Erkenntnis kommen. Den Boden spaltend sollen sie die rotlichen
(U§as’) aufdecken”, and thus regards the verbs ayan and
'apavran as equivalent to yantu and apavrnvantu. All this is
very unsatisfactory, and one gets over the difficulty if one

regards these padas as a continuation of the sentence adrint

I I

rujema dhaninaw iucantah contained in p^da d of the preceding
verse. The ‘ancient remote fathers’, are, of course, the
Angirases.

XIV— 21

164 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH (Vol. XIV
I ' ^ i . I

sucit (Padapatha: suci it), in c, is, in all probability (see
SBE. 46, p. 322), a contraction of hicini it: and the pada

j I I . . j

sucid ayan dldhitim ukthasasah seems to have the same signi-

I I ‘ I I **

fication as the pada ah hi prasedurrtam asusanahmA-t 13
explained above. In pada d, one expects adrim instead of
ksama; see Geldner’s note in op. cit., p. 377. The ‘bright
ones’ referred to in this pada are either the cows, or the
Dawns, or perhaps both.

(17) 6, 39, 2-4: ayam usanah pary adrim usri

I _ . . I I

rtadhitibhir rtayug yujanah |

rujad arugnam vi valasya sanum
•L ‘ I I ■

panmr vacobhir abhi yodhad indrah] j

ayam dyotayad adyuto vyaktun

1 ‘ , I , I

dosa vastoh sarada indur indra I

» •' II

imam ketum adadhur nu cid ahnam
sucijanmana usasas cakarall
ayam rocayad aruco rucano

, * _ , II I I

yam vasayad vy rtena purvih [
ayam lyata rtayugbhir asvaih
svarvida nabhina carsaniprah| j

“Desiring the cows near the (i.e., encompassed by the) moun-
tain, this Indra, yoker of (the spell of) truth, accompanied by
those whose spells were truths, rent the unbroken back of Vala,
and fought the Panis with spells.

“This Indu, O Indra, illumined the dark nights, in tlie evening
and at dawn, for years. They have made him the herald of
days. He made the Dawns be born in brightness.

“This (Indra), shining, made the unshining ones shine; by
means of a (spell of) truth, he has caused many (Dawns) to
dawn. He goes with horses that yoke themselves by means of
rtoy protecting the people with the navel that wins the light”.

Hymn 6, 39 is addressed to Indra who, as observed above,

is praised as ahgirastama or ‘chief Afigiras’ bv some poets!
Verse 2 of the above passage refers to his rending of Vala and
freeing of tlie imprisoned cows by means of a spell of truth

Part II J VEDIC STUDIES: 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 165

I

(rtayuj), and with the aid of the Ahgirases, while v. 4 says
that he made the unshining Dawns shine, set free the im-
prisoned Dawns, by means of a spell of truth {rtena).

In verse 2, rtadkfitibhih in pada b refers to the Ahgirases;
compare Sayana’s explanation rtadhitihhih satya-karmabhir

angirobhih. The word rtadhiti is the exact equivalent of the
word satyamantra which is used in connection with the Ahgi-

rases in 7, 76, 4 explained above, rtayuj = yoker of truth ;
i.e., employer of spells of truth; these spells are referred to as

vatobhih in pada d. Compare in connection with it 1, 62, 4 :

' J*./ ' . « '

sa sustuona sa stubha sapta vtprath svarenadnm svaryo nava-

. ’ ' , . . I . * < '

gvath f safanyubhih phaligam indra sakfa valam ravena

darayo dasagvaih*\ He, with the well-praising lauding
(throng), the seven bards and the Navagvas, cleft the moun-
tain (containing the) cows with a shout. “Thou, O mighty
Indra, hast, with the Saranyus and the Dasagavas, cleft the
cave of crystal with a roar’\ The words svara and rava refer
to the sound produced by the utterance of spells by the Ahgf*
rases and their companions (Indra, Brhaspati, etc.).

{To he continued,)

THE MESSAGE OF THE GITA.*
(PHILOSOPHY OF ACTION)

BY

P. Nagaraja RAO, M.A.,

Pachaiyappa’s College, Madras.

THE BHAGAVAD GITA is the most popular Hindu
scripture, and its importance is second to none in the history of
Hindu philosophical thought. If anything, its popularity is on
the increase. It has been translated into almost all modern
languages. We have prose as well as poetic versions of the
translations. The greatest saint-politician of our land, Mahatma
Gandhi, regards the Gita as the “Universal Mother.*’ Heelings
to it as his guide through the temptations and travails of life.
He goes on to assert that a true votary of the Gita does not
know what disappointment is. He concludes his estimate of
the Gita thus : “I can declare that the Gita is ever presenting
me with fresh lessons, and, if somebody tells me that it is my
delusion, my reply to him would be that I should hug this
delusion as my richest treasure."

It is a chapter from the Bhisma parva of the Mahabharata,
whose study has enraptured and ennobled the minds of men
and women. Though the Gita is a smrti, i e., secondary
scriptural authority, all the schools of Vedanta have treated it as
one of the triple texts that support their respective schools. With
that spirit in view they have all commented on it and refuted
the commentaries of rival schools. The social reformer and the
reactionary alike have claimed the Gita as their support.

What exactly is this popularity due to? It is due to a number
of causes, the foremost among them being that the Gita view of
life is within the reach of one and all of us. It shoves the meta-
physical details into the background and throws into relief the
philosophy of action and the need for it. What is in the focus,
is its practical teaching. Throughout it breathes a spirit of

♦The substance of a lecture delivered to the Madras Samskfta
Academy on the Gita Day celebration, 9th January 1941.

Part II]

THE MESSAGE OF THE GITA

167

toleration and does not rule out any type of spiritual faith.
Krsna says “whoever with true devotion worships any deity, in
Him I deepen that devotion, and through it he fulfils his desire.”
“Those that devotedly worship other gods, they also worship
me though only imperfectly”. The author of the Gita does not
insist upon totalitarian loyalties, but believes that men attain
their best in different ways. The toleration of the Gita is not a
mere stroke policy, it is an article of faith with Hinduism.
Neither is its toleration due to a form of indifferentism. The
author of the Gita has no patience with men who have no faith.
He stresses Sraddha more than the performance of scripture-
ordained duties.

As Prof. Hiriyanna observes, the fascinating figures,
Arjuna and Krsna, the occasion that calls forth the teaching, its
simple and charming style, and the dialogue form, all go to
make the Gita a popular scripture. “The selecting of the
specific situation and the concrete mode of treatment is the cause
of the universal appeal of the scripture.” It states very clearly
the code and course of conduct that lead men on to right living.
The author of the Gita has no patience with the men who
merely believe in a world that is governed by action and reac-
tion. He denounces the men who profess that “this world is all
that we see, and all that is”. The talk of the impenitent
rationalist is characterised as ^'^uspiidrk vacant* men who reel
out florid texts. These fools declare, in the words of the Lord,
<‘There is nothing else but this”. Krsna castigates the Mima-
riisakas who believe in the letter of the Veda and the round of
rituals and characterises them as “miserable ones.” In the
sixteenth chapter there is an elaborate account of the views of
the men of no faith. Men of no faith are characterised as
Asuras. They say “that the world is false and is without a
moral basis and without a God, what is there that does not
spring from mutual union? Lust is the cause of all.” “Holding
such views these souls commit cruel deeds, come forth as
enemies for the destruction of the world. They give themselves
up to insatiable desires, full of hypocrisy, pride and arrogance ;
they hold false views through delusion and act with impure
resolves”. The author of the Gita is against the literalist
section as well as the materialists. The indiscriminate life of
self-indulgence sanctioned by the hedonist has been severely
criticised. The Gita stands for. ja. careful. cultiyatioh of tastes

168 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

and a culculatecl indulgence of passions. “No god must be
cheated, none overpaid’'. It is never in favour of self-
mortification. It stood for the golden mean with steadfast faith
in God. The Gita never advoc.ited the thwarting of instincts,
but stood for their training. A harmonious integration of the
various impulses of life is the call of the scripture.

The Gita view of life can be defined as a revolutionary
type of idealism, which estranges the revolutionary by its
idealism, and the conservative by a drastic revaluation of the
earthly goods.i Terms like Yajna (sacrifice). Karma (action),
Jndna (knowledge), Samnydsa (renunciation), etc., are inter-
preted afresh by the Gita. Yajna in the Gita does not mean
animal sacrifice, nor the sacrifice of merely material objects but
all activities prompted by a spirit of sacrifice. Karma does not
mean mere mechanical action done for the achievement of some
objects herein or hereafter, but action performed without the
desire of the fruit. The Jndna of the Gita is not merely intel-
lectually mediated knowledge that does not result in spiritual
realisation, but is that immediate knowledge which is
itself. The Samnydsa of the Gita is not the giving up of the
activities as such and retiring from society. It is the giving up
of the desire for the fruits and the sense of egoity in respect of
any action performed by us. It is phala samnydsa and not
karma samnydsa.

It is the insistence of the performance of one’s own duty
prescribed by his station, — “My station and my duty” — that is
the fundamental message of the Gita. In short, the central
message of the scripture is Karma yoga, a life of disinterested
activity. The entire Gita is a description of that Karma yoga.
What is it like and what is it not ? B.G. Tilak has named the
message of the Gila as the Philosophy of Energism, i.e.,of
action.

In the history of Hindu thought two paths to perfection
are recorded. They are respectively called the nivrtti marga
and the pravrtti marga. The ideal of nivriti marga advocated
the giving up of all karma and the withdrawing from the w^ork-
a-day world. This is the negative ideal of renunciation.
According to Sri Sankara the Gita teaching has for its final

1. Cf Author’s article on The Religion of the Gltd, Journal
of the Madras University, Vol.XI, ,No.2.

Part 11]

THE MESSAGE OF THE GITA

169

purport renunciation. Moksa can be realised only by Jnana,
and not by any other method, ‘nanyah panthah'. So the path of
action at best can produce only further bondage, and bondage
has the tendency to envelop the soul. Further, Moksa
according to Sankara is not something to be produced, it is
there. So at best Karma or the path of active life can lead to
dtma mddhi, cleansing of the heart and not directly to Moksa.
There are no two direct paths to Moksa The pravrtti and
nwrtti mar g as diVQnot discontinuous, one leads us on to the other.
Further Sankara explains the emphasis of the Gita on Karma in
the light of Arjuna’s eligibility for it. Arjuna needs the
cleansing of the Atman, he is an unenlightened soul and as
such he is only fit for Karma yoga. Wherever the Gita speaks
of Karma yoga in extravagant terms it has to be understood in
terms of the response to Arjuna’s needs. It is in this light
that all the verses in the Giia that speak high of karma are
interpreted by Sankara. He makes the path of works sub-
servient to the path of renunciation.!

It has to be pointed out here that a growing section of
Advaitins believe that there is no need to contrast jnana, bhakti
and karma, to the disadvantage of anyone of them. Short of
Brahman realisation every method is within the jurisdiction of
Maya and as such there seems to be no need to stress the
superiority of jnana over karma and bhakti. Even Brahman
knowledge is not Brahman. Prof. S. S. Suryanarayana Sastriar
in his address as the President of the Section of Philosophy and
Religion at the All India Oriental Conference, Trivandrum,
observes^ “that spiritual realisation may come through spiritual
analysis or through the melting of the heart in devotion or
through self-surrender in service. This is not an innovation
due to Western impact .... All this because of an ancient pre-
judice against emotions and will. The melting of the heart in
love is not less noble than the expansion of it in wisdom and
the transcendence of the gulf between seen and seen in know-
ledge. The unity appears in and breaks through the multipli-
city, every moment in emotion and volition no less than in

1. For a detailed account of the Gita on the lines laid down
by Sankara refer to Dr. T.M.P. Mahadevan’s article on the Two-
fold Path in the Gita, Philosophical Quarterly, January, 1941.

2, An Advaitin's plea for continuity, Journal of the Madras
University.

170 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

intellection. One of these is not more sacrosanct than others.
And the Philosophy of Non-dualism should look for integra-
tive synthesis rather than intellectual dominance.”

With acute insight, massive erudition and rare persuasive
skill, Tilak, in the Gita Rahasya makes out the case for the
Philosophy of Action with great success and gives us a brilliant
account of the Pravrtti mdrga. Taking the texts by and large
one gets the impression that the Gita insists on the performance
of action with a devout frame of mind. The texts that speak
of renunciation as the method to attain Moksa are very few.
They are: “He whose mind is unattached everywhere who is
self-subdued, and from whom desire has fled he attains by re-
nunciation to the supreme transcending all works” (XVIII-48) .
“Knowledge as a sacrifice is superior to all material sacrifices,
O Arjuna. For all works with no exception culminate in
knowledge” (lV-33). “As the fire which is kindled reduces all
fuel to ashes, O Arjuna, so does the fire of knowledge reduce
all works to ashes” (lV-37). There are other texts that point
out that the released soul has no duties Hasya kdryam na
vidyate* (III-17).” Excepting for these few texts the rest of the
Gita is an exaltation of the philosophy of action.

The philosophy of action or karma yoga is not very easy
to understand. “What is work and what is no work — even the
wise are perplexed here”, says the Gita. What exactly is this
karma yoga of the Gita? It combines the excellences of the
pravrtti and the nivrtti mdrgasJ- It insists on the discharge of
the social obligations arising out of the station one occupies in
life. It insists that we have to recognise a charter of duties
before we claim our bill of rights. It insists on the perform-
ance of duties at all costs, and never countenances dereliction
from action. It is against the non-performance of action. The
Gita says “No man can ever be free from a life of action by
merely avoiding active work ; and no man can ever reach per-
fection through mere renunciation.” For no man can sit still
even for a moment, but does some work. Every one is driven
to act, in spite of himself, by the impulses of nature” (III-4
and 5).* “It is indeed impossible for any embodied being to
abstain from work absolutely (XVlII-11). Thus after
making out a case for the impossibility of inaction he goes on

1, Prof. Hiriyanna’s Outlines of Indian Philosophy p.\26-

189 .

Past II] THE' MESSAGE OF THE GITA 171

to describe the mental frame with which we have to act. Act
we must, and there is no choice from action. We are asked to,
act with a frame of mind that has no utilisation motive. We are
exhorted to renounce the fruit of activity together with the
sense of egoity. Act with no sense of agency or attachments to
the fruit of action. It is not action that is binding but the
sense of attachment to the fruits of the action and the sense of
egoity. Every one of our activities must be constr\ied as an
offering at the feet of God. The Karma yoga of the Gita dis-
covers the golden mean between the two- ideals of pravrtti and
nivrtti preserving the excellences of both. While it does not
abandon activity, it preserves the spirit of renunciation, “Work
alone art thou entitled to, and, not to its fruit. So never
work for fruit, nor yet desist from work’' (II, 47). “Know
that what they call renunciation is the same as yoga, O
Arjuna, for no one who has not renounced his desires can ever
become a yogin (VI, 2). ihe Karma yoga of the Gita does
include the element of renunciation. “But renunciation of any
duty that ought to be done is not right. The abandonment of
it through ignorance is declared to be of the nature of dullness”
(XVIII-7). “Works of sacrifice, gifts and penance should not
be given up, but should be performed. For sacrifice, gifts and
penance purify the mind’*, these are works that should be done
is my decided and final view, says Krsna (XVIII, 5 and 6).
“But he who gives up the fruit of work is regarded as one
who has renounced”. The renunciation of the fruits of the
action and not action as such is the pith of the Gita teaching.
Such an action is tantamount to inaction. Hence the paradoxi-
cal verse in the Gita, “He who sees no work in work, and work
in inaction, he is wise among men, he is a yogin, atid he has
accomplished all his work” (TV-18).

The Karma yoga of the Gita commends us to lead a
strenuous life and yet gives no room for the play of the selfish
impulses. In short, it implies that every action we do must be
motivated to secure Isvara priti, and must discard the sense of
egoity and the desire for the fruit of all action. The predomi-
nant note of the Gita is one of devotion to the Lord. Lord
Krsna says that all action should be surrendered at his feet.
“Fly to me alone for shelter with all thy soul, O Arjuna, by
my grace shall thou gain supreme peace and the everlasting
abode”. “Fix thy mind on me, be devoted to me, prostrate
XIV— 22

172 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [VoL. XIV

thyself before me. So shalt thou come to me. I promise this
truly for Aou art dear to me”. ‘‘Surrendering all duties
come unto me alone for shelter. Do not grieve, for I will
release thee from all sins”. “Surrender all thy works and
fight — with thy mind in unison with the spirit and free from
every desire and trace of self and all thy passions spent”.
After explaining at such length the doctrine of Saraudgati i.e.,
self-surrender to God, the Gitacarya dogmatically lays down
his final view thus : “Those who full of faith ever follow this
teaching of mine and do not carp at it — they too are released
from works.” “But those who carp at my teaching and do not
act thereon know that, that such senseless men blind to all
wisdom are lost.” With this frame of mind we are exhorted
to act. It is this aspect of devotion and self-surrender that
Sri Ramanuja has stressed in his commentary on the Gita. The
ideal Bhakta who has realised God is described in three distinct
places. In the second chapter we have the first of the descrip-
tions of the realised soul (II, v. 55-72). But we should
not forget that Arjuna asked Kr?0a to describe the way of life
led by a man of steadfast wisdom. How does he act? How
does he sit? and How does he walk? All these questions of
Arjuna presuppose that the man of steadfast wisdom is not
exempt from karma. The last seven verses of the twelfth
chapter give us the description of the ideal Bhakta and again
the 14th chapter describes in its concluding verses the nature of
the God-realised soul. All these descriptions do not absolve the
realeased soul from indulging in karma.

The Gita commends this path of action and prefers it to
the path of renunciation. When Arjuna asks Krsna to tell
him for certain zvhich is the better of the tivo paths, renuncia-
tion of works or their self -less performance, Krsna replies',
that of the two, performance of the works is better than their
renunciation (V. 2). On another occasion he says: “to work
is better than desisting from work”. Arjuna is thus exhorted
to activity and rea.soned into it. Further the author of the
Gita adds that even an enlightened soul must act with a view
to the preservation of the world. Men like King Janaka have
attained Moksa through the path of works. Lord Krsna cites
himself as an example of one taking to the path of action.
Thus the author of the Gita brought Arjuna to the path of
action by asking him to take to the path of duty as the way

173

pAftT 11) THE MESSAGE OE THE GITA

to salvation. Arjuna endorses the view and acts up to it. He
says, **My delusion is gone, I have come to myself by thy
grace. O Krsna, I stand free from doubt, / zt/ill act according
to thy word’*. He did act according to it. The Gita incul*
cates in us the view that we have a right to action only and not
to tile fruits thereof and that success and failure are one and
the same thing at bottom. <Tt calls upon us to dedicate our*
selves body, mind and soul to pure duty and not to become
mental voluptuaries at the mercy of chance desires and undis*
ciplined impulses.*’ The kingdom of Heaven conceived by the
Gita is not a realm of pure mystical experience unconnected
with concrete human relationship. It is not an unearthly, con-
ceptual realm, but a just and a happy social order.

JNANAD EVA TU KAIVALYAM

BY

S. S. SURYANARAYANA SaSTRI
University of Madras.

The search for release posits the permanence of what is
sought ; this seems inconsistent with production or attainment ;
what is produced or attained is finite, is perishable ; release must
therefore be a manifestation of the ever-existent and infinite. The
manifestation is necessary because of the present obscuration, a
function of maya. On the sublation of maya, our eternal
freedom stands self-revealed. This sublation is also spoken of
as destruction or annihilation. Nothing that exists can be
wholly annihilated ; but vidya is known to annihilate avidya;
knowledge destroys ignorance; since the phenomenal world due
to maya is annihilated at release, maya is equated with avidya,
destructible by knowledge. Since without the destruction of
avidya release is impossible and since jnana alone can destroy
avidya, jnana is claimed to be the sole means to release.

Certain points are worth keeping in mind. Jnana in the
sense of svarupa- jnana, the consciousness that is Brahman, is
identical with release; it is not a means to release, being indeed
the substrate of avidya. What is claimed to be instrumental is
vftti- jnana, a particular cognitive psychosis intuiting the
impartite and arrived at by study of the Vedanta, reflection
and profound contemplation. It is a function of the internal
organ. Though itself a product of nescience, it has the capa-
city to destroy all lower psychoses such as apprehend the finite,
the relational and the diverse, and finally to annihilate itself.

What exactly does this final psychosis do to the lower
vrttis? It is said that the latter are destroyed. It is suggested,
however, that such a view is inconsistent with the advaitin’s
own position as to the nature of avidya, that it is a positive
entity. The belief that knowledge destroys ignorance is bound
up with the superstition that ignorance is just lack of know-
ledge ; since knowledge and the lack of it cannot co-exist, the
latter is believed to be destroyed by the former. If, however,
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176 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

nescience is positive, how can this be destroyed, any more than
anything else which is positive? True it is knowledge and
nescience cannot apparently co-exist. This is, however, not an
absolute position; for, apart from the co-existence of avidya
and svarupajhana, the advaitin himself shows the co-presence of
knowledge and ignorance in such experiences as <‘tvad-uktam
artham na j ana mi”. It may be asked whether with develop-
ment knowledge does not replace ignorance and in that sense
destroy the latter. We suggest that it is the ignorance itself
which has developed into knowledge, instead of being replaced
by the latter. The process is not self-contradictory since both
are avidyaka, of the nature of indeterminable maya. The real
cannot change ; nor can the unreal ; but the ignorance that was
and the knowledge that now is, both are anirviicya as real or
unreal, sat or asat. Change is inevitable ; to the extent that this
change unifies instead of dividing, is more inclusive rather than
less, manifests harmony rather than discord, it is a case of
ignorance becoming knowledge. The coming into being of
harmony is unintelligible in the last resort, except as a mani-
festation of the non-difference that is eternal. This when
realised immediately (aparoksataya) constitutes the final
psychosis (carama vrtti).

The unintelligibility of the world, on the cognitive side,
has been worked out in great detail by advaita disputants, under
the caption drk-drsya-sambandhanupapatti. Because of such
anupapatti, there comes the realisation, primarily mediate
(paroksa), that seer and seen are alike super-impositions on the
(consciousness). If analysis thus reveals the failure of
the relational concept in the field of knowing, does it not, we
ask, reveal a similar defect in the fields of conation and
emotion? A bare cogniser in front of a barely external object
is helpless to know; a bare agent in respect of a barely external
object, is he better oft in respect of the capacity to act? And a
barely external situation confronting a bare subject, can it more
intelligibly cause an emotion ? In every case, we have to rely
on the concept of relation, and it does not on analysis reveal
greater capacities in some cases than in others. If it be said
that men do act and feel, it may be retorted that men do also
know, if the stress be laid on the analysis that reveals
the cloven hoof, it must be remembered that people analyse
not merely in knowing, but also in acting and even in

177

Part III] J^JANAD EVA TU KAIVALYAM

feeling. Men do not act unreflectingly any more than they
can cognise inactively.* The difference in analysis is one of
degree, not of kind. The saintly man in action may
conceivably have arrived at a mode of action which reflects non-
difference, not because of a metaphysical discipline, but because
of a practical discipline leading to harmony overruling discords,

* Advaitins were not unaware of the contention that cognition
is itself a mental act. In spite of this, however, they have tried to
make a hard and fast distinction between cognition on the one side
and both ritual activity and meditation on the other. The usual
line of distinction is this: Cognition is objective and of what is',
ritual activity is directed towards what is to come into being; it is
also optional, depending on the will of the performer; meditation
may be of what is ; but it may also be of what is not, like the con-
templation of the woman as a fire in the pancagnividya. The
distinction is good as far as it goes ; but it is by no means absolute,
being only one of degree. This is masked by the assumption that
contemplation can be of the unreal, while cognition cannot be.
The wholly unreal (tuccha) is only a limiting concept ; it cannot
even be spoken of, much less contemplated. An object, whether of
contemplation or of coghition, is neither real nor unreal. The
barren woman’s son is not real; it is not unreal, if an object of
contemplation, since barren women exist and also sons, while it is
only the relationing that fails, as in the anyathakhyati version of
error; the difference between the shell-silver and the barren
woman’s son is that while the former is an immediate presenta-
tion, the latter is not. Contemplation may make immediate what
is mediate ; after imagining it for a long time one may really hold
that a person B is the son of a woman A known to others as
barren. Is this not a logical contradiction? Not unless you mean
just the combination “barren mother’’; and that is not a possible
object of contemplation any more than “black white” is a possible
object of cognition; the bare words, of course, could be suitable
objects in either case. To the advaitin, more than to all others,
the recognition of a class of untouchables should be repugnant; yet
that is the class to which he has tended to relegate karma and
upasana. The Indian philosophers, advaitins included, seek a
purpose even for philosophic pursuits; unfortunately, however,
they were not thorough-going purposivists in their psychology ;
had they been, they would not have sought to confine jnana and
karma in water-tight compartments, but would have treated them
as different inter-penetrating phases of purpose, purpose itself
being self-transcended in the eternal.

178 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

a dharma whose observance promises and gives no reward other
than its own realisation, a mode of life radiating sweetness,
imbued with love and inspired by sacrifice. Some degree of
cognitive analysis we may admit even in this case; that, how-
ever, can give only the paroksa starting-point; the discipline
that ends in the immediacy of perfection, is it not imprudent to
deny it, and idle to call it jnana? The devotee whose heart
melts with love, who asks for and takes nothing for himself,
whose sole desire is to be with the Lord and one with the Lord
that is Love, not lover or beloved, since reflection has convinc-
ed him in a remote way that Love alone is the perfection of
which loving and being loved are imperfect appearances, is his
discipline to be discarded or identified with jnana? Neither
course is worth while.

The truth is one; but we live in a world of truths which
are but half true. The good is one; we act in a world of
goods, none of which is wholly good. Love is one; we move
and suffer in a world of loves, none of which transfigures the
whole self. Realisation comprises two stages, the realisation of
the partial and imperfect nature of what we have, and the
manifestation of the perfection but for which the imperfect
would neither be nor be known. The first of these stages re-
quires reflection and analysis, which may if desired be treated as
cognitive; the subsequent discipline, however, may be cognitive,
conative or emotive. The service of the saint and the devotion
of the bhakta are not necessarily inferior to the wisdom of the
sage, if by wisdom we mean a function of the internal organ.
If, however, we mean the wisdom that is caitanya, there the
need to distinguish will not arise, since all three will have
arrived though by slightly different paths. The emphasis on
knowledge as the sole means to realisation has been due to
( 1 ) an intellectual bias, perhaps due to the fact that metaphy-
sics was the special pursuit of sannyasins who had finished with
their duty to society, (2) a defective psychology compartmental-
ising cognition, conation and emotion, (3) possibly an escapist
mentality engendered by conditions of life in general on the
one side and an excessive ritualism on the other.

It is often asked whether sages are doing the proper thing
by the world by living in retirement. One of the many assump-
tions underlying the question is that perfection is possible for
the sage alone and that if he retires from the world, the world

179

Part III] J5JANAD EVA TU KAIVALYAM

will not have the benefit of his realisation. Even sages may be
intelligibly exercising an occult influence over the rest of crea-
tion. That apart, they certainly serve as noble exemplars and
inspirers to others on the path of jnana; they are specially of
service in this way, when they are more or less easily accessible
like Bhagavan Ramana or Sri Aurobindo. Even assuming,
however, that sages do not mingle with the world and live as
members of it, that is no detraction from the advaita ideal of
perfection, which may be attained by the saint in action as much
as by the sage in wisdom. If the latter discipline requires more
or less complete withdrawal from the world, the former does
not; and the saint may do for his fellow-creatures what the
sage may not do or do but imperfectly because of the difference
in his initial equipment.

On the view that release is possible for all, and that, till the
attainment thereof, the perfection of sage or saint is relative,
being but the attainment of Isvaratva, there is a special value
attaching to the performance of karma by the man of wisdom ;
for while wisdom illumines the wise man alone, action lightens
the load and smooths the path of the ignorant as well ; the per-
fecting of the latter is accelerated, thus bringing nearer the
making absolute of the mukta’s relative perfection, the Brahmi-
bhava of him who has but attained Isvara-bhava. Hence it is
that Mandana Misra wisely advocates jfiana-karma-samuccaya,
holding that the wise man’s performance of karma accelerates
release, just as the use of a horse accelerates one’s arrival at
one’s destination. Much of this, however, has to remain as
speculation ; for we are all too human, while what we discuss
is how Uvara will act. Will He function as a great knower or
a great doer or a great lover? We know only this much, that it
would be the height of presumption to deny Him any or all of
these roles, whether simultaneously or in succession.

KALPAVRKSA—KALPAVALLI.

By

C. SiVARAMAMURTI M.A.,

Government Museum, Madras.

The Kalpavalli and Kalpadruma, the fabulous creeper and
tree granting everything desired, are as well-known in Sanskrit
as in Buddhist literature. It is a tree with such special miraculous
powers that bounteously feeds and richly clothes guests arriving
at its foot and seeking its hospitality, as narrated in the
Dhammapadaatthakatha. In early sculpture from Bodhgaya,
Bharhut and other places there are representations of trees with
human hands proceeding from their boughs and offering food and
drink to guests seated in their shade. They are representations
of the vanadevatas or tree-spirits, the invisible godlings residing
in the trees and watchful of all that goes on around in the world
of whom the ceta in Mrcchakatika informs Sahara in the line
iri ^ The vanadevata is a kindly spirit,

often, according to the Jatakas, giving advice to those that may
profit by it. This good nature in them accounts for their
bounteous attitude.

The vanadevatas are most beautifully pictured by Kalidasa
in his Sakuntalam where they offer the choicest apparel and
ornaments to their beloved benefactor Sakuntala the sweet
maiden of the hermitage, who, regular in her care for the
creepers and plants was loth to remove even a tender shoot
from them, though like those of her clan she was fond of

adornment and floral decoration. —

qr qg^q^. The wondering pupils of the sage Kanva recount how
the trees gifted beautiful silks and jewels for the princess going
to her royal home. —

#4 cf^qi

Part III] KALPAVRKSA-KALPAVALLi 181

These trees of the hermitage are akin to the divine trees
and creepers in Sakra’s heaven and Kubera’s city beyond the
Himalayas. The same objects of adornment and toilet are
supplied by the kalpavrksa for the citizens of Alaka. All the
material required for feminine adornment is supplied by the
self-same wishing tree and the chief items of ornamentation
and toilet are mentioned by Kalidasa in the Uttaramegha.

The kalpadruma and vanadevata concepts are so allied that
it may be taken as practically one fixed into the other. The
tree as described by Kalidasa is so special to Kubera and Alaka
that one would expect it associated with the temples of the lord
of wealth which were well-known in the time of Patanjali —

. And at Besnagar was found the
famous kalpadruma capital of the column (dhvajastambha) that
stood in front of a Kubera shrine, and now preserved in the
Indian Museum, Calcutta.

There are both the tree and creeper carved at Bharhut. Fig. 1
shows a kalpavrksa or tree in the bight of an undulating kalpa-
lata or creeper. Earrings, necklaces of large and small sized
gems and pearls and silken garments appear amidst the foliage.
In fig. 2 the kalpalata unfolds a number of jewels. Here is a
commentary on Kalidasa’s line The variety is

large. Three types of earrings, patrakundalas, ratnakundalas,
karnavestanas and simantamanis also known as catulatilaka-
manis, finger rings, golden necklet and necklace composed
of pearl strands with elongate central gems and a silken garment
are present at the ends of the tendrils of the creeper or issue
from the flowers. In fig. 3 there are silken garments one of them
answering the line and another

cIW There are beautiful flowers worked on the

former which has also fine ancala or fringe. The latter has
exquisite folds that are so lovely a feature in all silken cloths.
Kalidasa says that even wine, the trainer of the eye-brows in

graceful glances, is also supplied by the kalpavrksa —

182 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol, XIV

. Fig. 4 answers this. From the first
flower of the creeper issues a sikya or net for holding the
raadhubhanda or wine-pot from which in small casakas the
sweet liquor is tasted by lovers lounging in their terraces on
moonlit nights, even as the reflection of the moon trembled in the
goblet — Fg. Anklets and gem necklaces are also
among those present beside the wine-pot that issue from the
flowers. Representation of flowers that are so natural in the
case of trees and creepers has no special significance except that
all flowers can be supplied by the self-same tree or creeper.
This is answered in the diverse flowers, blooms and fruits
appearing at different points on the same creeper that runs the
whole length of the rail coping. Kuravaka flower bunches and
lea^ es are specially noteworthy as the flowers that adorn the braid
— ^Nltt — while the leaves tinge the feet and finger

nails serving the purpose of alaktaka. This must thus answer
to the lines ^ and ^

Fig. 5 which shows the hands of the vanadevata or tree
spirit projecting from the boughs and offering food and drink
to a guest is reminiscent of the description of Kalidasa

where

the hands of the sylvan deity issuing from the tree clumps
present the objects they hold for presentation.

IHAMRGAS

BY

C SiVARAMAMURTI, M.A.,

Government Museum, Madras.

In early art from Bharhut, Jaggayyapeta, Amaravati and
other places, there are peculiar animals represented. Horses,
elephants, bulls and other animals with the hind part shaped
like the tail of fish with beautiful scales and fins are common
themes among these sculptures. These and many others are
called ihamrgas or animals of fancy. The Mahabharata has
specifically described such animals and the lines are extremely
interesting as they form the earliest literary description of
themes that have been later carved on stone and perpetuated for
all time. The arrows of Arjuna are described as creating
various unconquerable elements to thwart the enemy among
which are these fantastic animals. They are described in the
following lines in the Mahabharata.

111-173-50,51.

<Of fishes with the head of an elephant, owls and animals
resembling both horse and fish in one'. (See figs. 1 and 2).

At Sanchi and Amaravati there are steeds with leonine
faces. Such animals are described in the Ramayana. The
lines run

sq(5if ||

I VI-51-27, 28.

‘The excellent raksasas unapproachable like tigers, went
forth (in chariots) with jackal and lion-headed mules decorat-
ed with gold ornaments yoked (to them).’ (See fig. 3).

xiv-a4

DATE OF PADYARACANA OF LAKSMANABHATTA
ANKOUCAR — BETWEEN A. D. 1625 AND 1650*. *

BY

P. K. Code, m.a.

Curator, D. O. R. Institute, Poona.

The Padyaracand^ of Laksmanabhatta Ahkolakara was
published in 1908. Its editors state2 that they have no evi-
dence to decide the date of this author but thd MSS on which
their edition was based were copied on paper which may have
been older than a hundred years. They also state that
Laksmana was a poet of Maharastra.

Aufrecht makes the following entries regarding the
Padyaracand^ in his catalogue of MSS : —

1. Kavyamdld, 89, N. S. Press, Bombay, 1908.

One of the 2 MSS used by the Editors was made available to
them by the late Dr. K. B. Palhak, while the other was obtained
from the collection of the late Sri Rupadatta, the Rajaguru at
Jaipur. The Editors have merely noted the names of the poets
whose verses have been quoted by Laksmana in his anthology, but
they have made no attempt to fix the limits of the dale of the
Padyaracand on the strength of these names.

The Kavyamala edition of the Padyaracand contains lacunae
in the text of some verses on pp. 5, 12, 14, 15, 62, 63, 64, 69, 71, 73,
74,77,79,90,91,92, 93,95, 116, 117. Many of these could be
filled up by using the three MSS of the Padyaracand in the Govt.
MSS Library at the B. O. R. Institute.

3. The Govt. MSS Library (B. O. R. Institute) possesses the
following MSS of the work; —

(1) No. 726 of 1886-92 — dated Samvat-1797=:.<4. D.
;74h

Part III]

DATE OF PADYARACANA

185

CC I, 324 — metrics, by Laksmanabhatta. B. 3.
62. Bhr. 148”

CC II, 72 — — metrics, by Laksmanabhatta. Peters.
4. IT'

CC III 69— metrics, by Laksmana Bd. 422”

A perusal of the Kavyamala Edition of the Padyaracana
will make it clear that the work is an anthology dealing with
different topics in the usual style and has nothing to do with
^‘metrics" as wrongly described by Aufrecht, who was evidently
misled by the title in giving the subject of the work.

The first 5 verses of the anthology are by the author him-
self as they are followed by the endorsement

In verse 1 the author salutes god Siva

In verses 3 and 4 the authorship of the worlc is ascribed to

(Continued from the last page.)

Mfidi: I) ^ I*’)

After verse 93 of the Kavyamala Edition, which appears on
folio 52 of this MS, we find recorded the contents of the anthology
chapter by chapter. These contents are followed by the following
verses : —

II II

ft ll r ii

q?F;=^ II

The last 2 verses recorded above appear to be genuine though
they are not to be found in the following MSS of the Padyaracana
which are incomplete.

(2) No. 148 of 1882-83 — Incomplete: contains folios 33 to 74.
Colophon of Chap. XIV appears on folio 70. Old in appearance.

(3) No. 422 of 1887-91 — Very old and brittle: incomplete:
about 46 folios — Colophon of Chap. XII appears on folio 44.

The MS “ B. 3. 62” mentioned by Aufrecht consisted of 54
leaves and was in the possession of Acharatlal Vaidya of Ahme-
dabad in 1872 (Vide p. 63 of Buhler Fasc. Ill— Gujarat MSS etc
1872.)

186 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

55^ and Verse 3 clearly

states the purpose of the anthology, vis. to give repose to
logicians whose minds are distressed by the accumulated heat
produced by logic. Laksmana has composed this anthology
which is as it were the shade of the Kalpavrksa or the desire-
yielding tree.

In the body of the anthology many verses are followed by
the endorsement which appears to indicate that

these verses were composed by our author. The last 2 verses

of the anthology are followed by the endorsement
which leaves no doubt about their authorship.

The total number of verses in the Padyaracand is as
follows : —

Chapter

Verses

Chapter

Verses

Chapter

Verses

I

47

VI

20

XI

40

II

39

VII

41

XII

41

III

74

VIII

43

XIII

68

IV

67

IX

58

XIV

90

V

25

X

23

XV

93

252

332

The total number of verses as specified above comes to 769,
and if we add the 2 verses found at the end of MS No. 726 of
1886-92 (Padyaracana) this number would be 771.

We have now to see what exact contribution Laksmana has
made to the present anthology. The following table records
verses in each chapter which are followed by the endorsement

and which may, therefore, be looked upon as the
composition of our author : —

Chapter 1-13 Verses, 1, 2, 3, 4, 11, 17, 26, 29, 30, 34, .35,
42, 44.

Chapter II - 12 Verses, 1, 2,’ 3, 4, 5, 6, 16, 17, 19, 27, 30,
31.

Chapter III - 7 Verses, 9, 33, 44, 45, 55, 56, 57,

Chapter IV - 14 Verses, 1, 2, 6, 7, 17, 23, 24, 32, 33, 36,
46, 50, 55, 56.

Chapter V - 2 Verses, 1, 2, 3.

Chapter VI - 3 Verses, 8, 9, 10.

Chapter VII - 2 Verses, 41, 25.

DATE OF PADYARACANA

187

Part IIIJ

Chapter VIII - 7 Verses, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21.

Chapter IX - 4 Verses, 9, 17, 33, 43.

Chapter X - 4 Verses, 7, 8, 13, 18.

Chapter XI - 12 Verses, 7, 11, 16, 18, 19, 23, 31, 32, 33,
36, 36-a, 37.

Chapter XII- 12 Verses, 1, 9, 14, 15, 16, 22, 23, 28, 29, 30,
35, 36.

Chapter XIII- 25 Verses, 4, 5, 6, 15, 20, 22, 25, 27, 28, 29,
30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68.

Chapter XIV - 26 Verses, 2, 12, 17, 18, 21, 22, 23, 25, 28,
29, 33, 35, 37, 38, 41, 50, 51, 57, 62, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 81,
82.

Chapter XV- 8 Verses, 2, 28, 29, 51, 57, 70, 92, 93.

Total 152 Verses ascribed to Laksmana.

It would be seen from the above analysis that out of the
total of 769 verses of the Padyaracand, Laksmana claims no
less than 152 verses i.e., about one fifth of the entire anthology.
Evidently he wanted to shine among the learned of the past
generations by incorporating his own compositions in this
anthology of their vei'ses. His purpose appears to have been
served by the publication of the anthology in the Kdvyamdld
Series^ which has already immortalised many poets and
poetasters.

With a view to fix the earlier limit to the date of the
Padyaracand yrt must record the names of authors mentioned
in this anthology. These authors are as follows : —

pp. 2, 3, 4, 10, 15, 17, 35, 40, 43, 58, 59, 62, 76,

97, 117.

pp. 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 13, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21,
22, 25, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 46, 48, 49, 50,
52, 53, 54, 56, 47, 58, 59, 61, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 73, 74,
75, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 92, 97, 99, 100, 102, 106, 108,
112, 115, 116, 119.

p. 6.

pp. 3, 62, 72.

pp. 3, 11, 13, 15, 18, 72.

(anonymous author), pp. 4, 8, 11, 12, 15, 16,
17, 18, 20, 22, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 32, 35, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45

188 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV.

47, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 64, 66, 68, 71, 80,
81, 84, 85, 87, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103,
105, 106, 108, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115.

pp. 5, 10, 20, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 42, 46, 47,

48, 49, 62, 63, 65, 66, 69, 70, 71, 82, 116.

PP- 7, 13, 14, 16, 20.
pp. 7, 84.
pp. 10, 13, 22.

pp. 11, 21.

(ffenq), p. 12.

pp, 14, 76.

pp. 15, 19, 27, 34, 42, 59, 67.

(0 P- 18.
pp. 20, 31, 117.

(0 p. 23.
p. 23.

— PP* 23, 40, 45, 49, 65, 81, 85, 115.
p. 23.
p. 23.
pp. 23, 24.
pp. 24, 106, 109.
pp. 26, 67.

p. 28.

pp. 29, 66, 75, 83, 85, 117.

PP- 30, 40.

fefOT, pp. 33, 35, 38, 45, 64. 66.
p. 91.

pp. 34, 57, 101.
p. 34.

^®Rf%J,PP. 35, 36.
p. 35,

Part III]

DATE OP PADYARACANA

189

pp. 35, 78,
p. 37,
p. 38,

pp. 38, 43, 79,
pp. 41, 63,

'nwn(?l^, p. 41,

pp. 43, 58, 71,
p. 43,

3qiqf& p. 44,

p. 45,
p. 46,

P, 48, 85, 110,
p. 48,
p. 48,
p. 52,
p. 54,
p. 54,

aroqi, pp. 54, 55,
qro, p. 55.

<1^, p. 57,

P, 58,

pp. 59, 89, 92, 98, 102, 111, 112, 115,
iTIsrsrq^, pp. 61, 79, 94, 95, 104, 113,

31^, p. 64,
p. 65.
p. 67,

(5fiS«), P- 68,
P- 9 ,

(^), P. 69,
<a5?Rt, p. .’5,

190 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV,
p. 76.

pp. 77, 79, 117,
qrfoiW, p. 77,

p. 80,

p.85,
p. 85,

JfROT, p. 86,
p. 86,

9^: — P- 87,
mu, P. 116,

V^h, p. 87,
p. 90,
qci^, p. 95,

p. 96,

p. 101,
p, 102.
p. 103,
p- 104,
p. 107,

p- h^.

p. 114.

P- IIS’

q^Jf, p. 118.

f^#q5r, p. 118

qoliTT, P- 118.

In the above list we find that Laksmana mentions and
quotes from an author called ^ who was of

course patronized by Emperor Akbar (A.D. 1556-1605).

1. in his anthology composed about

A.D. 1660 quotes 2 verses of vis.,

(1) “^«qrsnfqqT55T fqrofl”

( 2 )

Part III]

DATE OF PADYARACANA

191

In view of the references to found in the

Padyaracana we may fix A.D. 1610 or so as the earlier limit to
the date of the Padyaracana of Laksmana. The later limit to
the date of this anthology may be fixed at A.D. 1710 or so in
view of the dated MS of the work copied in A.D. 1741 (B.O.R.
I., MS No. 726 of 1886-92).

Mr. Krishnamachariari states that Laksmanabhatta, the
commentator of the Naisadha Kdvya of Sri Harsa “also wrote
a poem Padyaracana.’* Let us now see if this statement is
correct.

Laksmanabhatta, the author of the commentary on the
Naisadha was the son of Ramakrsna2 but the name of the
father of Laksmana the author of the Padyaracana is not tra-
ceable in the Padyaracana. In the same manner it is difficult to

(Continued from last page.)

{See Dr. H. D. Sharma’s article on Hari Kavi-/.//.0. X,
p. 484) Laksmana quotes 2 verses from
on pp. 11 and 21, vis.,

(1) “3^

(2) fRFT:'’

The verse is common to and

We have, therefore, three verses ascribed to

L Classical San. Literature, 1937, p. 183 foot-note 2.

2. Vide Stein’s Cata. of Jammu MSS, 1894, p. 69 —

by vide

also my article on the date of this commentator in the Calcutta
Oriental J ournal (Vol. If pp. 309-312) where I have proved that
this author flourished between A.D. 1431-1730.

Aufrecht (CCI. 536) makes the following entry regarding
the author of the Padyaracana ; —

* — Padyaracana

— Ratnamdld”

R. Mitra describes a MS of (p. 286 of Vol. VI of

Notices, 1882) as a “collection of miscellaneous verses illus-
trating particular rhetorical maxims, with many riddles and
enigmas”. In this description the name of Laksmana’s father is not
found. The work consists of 354 Slokas.

XIV— 25

192 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV.

identify the author of the Padyaracand with

the author of a work called as appears to have been

done by Aufrecht (CCI, 536). In the Padyaracand the
author invokes God Siva in the first verse while in the Ratna-
mdld he bows to God Krsna

In the absence of any objective proofs to enable us to identify
the three authors of the name it is open to doubt if they

are identical or otherwise. At any rate no a priori case for
their identity has been forthcoming.

On p. 8 of the Padyaracand the following verse is introduc-
ed as in the manner of many other verses of 55?ciTor

the author of the anthology: —

JTfl —

35TRr 5i[jnfq«qq4

In the Padydmrtatarangini^ of Haribhaskara composed in
A.D, 1673 we find the above verseS quoted as follows: —

Folio 18a of MS No. 314 of 1884-86.

ft|qifq

q^qR^lfq^cT^^ =q ^I^HRfq I
3qRi s-qRi i%%^qfq qRn'q^qqq

II » ni

1. Peterson (p. 54 of Third Report) describes a palm-leaf

MS of a work called composed by 55 ^ 110 ?

— verse 1). This MS was in the Temple of

Santinatha, Cambay.

2. Vide my article on this anthology in the Calcutta Oriental
Journal Vol. Ill pp. 33-35. The exact date is 12t^ June 1673.

3. This verse has been quoted in the Subhdptaratnabhdndd-
gdra (N. S. Press, 1911) p. 9 — verse 124.

Part III]

DATE OF PADYARACANA

193

I am inclined to presume that Haribhaskara Agnihotri
who composed his anthology in A.D. 1673 and who quotes one
of Laksmana’s verses about Gahga apparently knew the
Padyaracana for which I have fixed the chronological limits,
viz., ^‘Between A.D. 1610 and 1710”. If this presumption is
correct we must suppose, on the strength of the identification
of the two verses, that the Padyaracana of our Laksmana is
earlier than A. D. 1673, the date of composition of the
Pddydmrtatarangini. 1 am, therefore, inclined to hold the view
that the date of the Padyaracana must lie, say between A. D.
1625 and 1650. This view is consistent with the statement
made by the editors of the Padyaracana that Laksmana
Ankolkari was a native of Maharustra. It is possible to suppose
that Haribhaskara, who was himself a native of Nasik in
Maharastra, knew the work of Laksmana Ankolkar, another
earlier author of an anthology similar to the Padyaracand.

1. Surnames ending in Kar current in the Maharastra
generally indicate that the native place of the holder of the
surname is identical with the name of the place preceding the
affix Kar. Laksmana Afikol-TiCor may have been a native of
There is a village of the name in Chikodi Taluka of
the Belgaum District in the Bombay Presidency. I cannot say if
Ankot=:Akol,

THE POETRY OF SRI MtJKA KAVl.*

BY

Srimati K. Savitri Ammal.

It would be hardly an exaggeration to say that I deem it
a rare privilege to stand here under the auspices of the Sanskrit
Academy to-day and to address an audience distinguished alike
for its learning and culture. Indeed I could never have dreamt
of such an event to be possible! It is not my inherent modesty,
much less the usual way of beginning a speech, that prompts me
to utter these words. For, believe me, never could plain truth be
so readily admitted from one’s heart as it is by me now.

When the Academy asked me to speak on such an occasion
as this I confess I felt too flattered to decline the invitation and
in the fullness of my heart I could not pause to reflect “am I
competent enough for the task?” I have no reason to suppose
they could have believed me capable, in any way, of doing full
justice to the subject. It is quite possible they wanted to make
a departure from their usual practice of having one of their own
members to speak to them and to confer the honour instead on
a lady this time. I think I may look upon it as a good excuse
also for the temerity with which I have proposed to speak be-
fore you to-day.

I remember, in that delightful novel “Cranford”, the ladies
of Cranford being independent of fashion, used to argue about
it in this way “What does it signify how we dress here in
Cranford where everybody knows us?” and if they were from
home the reason was equally cogent. They said “What does it
signify how we dress where nobody knows us?” I wish I
might adopt their admirable maxim and satisfy myself with this
argument, “ What does it matter what I say where everybody
knows about the poet Muka? Or if it was the other way I might
say with equal confidence “What does it matter what I say
where nobody knows about the poet ?

I have however found a convenient way of putting my mind
at ease by thinking that if I am fortunate enough to say any-

* Lecture delivered under the auspices of the Madras Sams-
krta Academy on the Sri Muka Day.

195

Part III] THE POETRY OF SRi MCKA KAVI

thing worth saying about that great poet whose Day we are
celebrating to-day, then, well and good; if not, I can still be sure
that the audience will be indulgent enough towards one who by
no means claims to know what are all the things she should
say.

I am happy however in this particular which, unequipped
as I am to discuss the singular merits of a poet to whom poetry
came in its truest sense as the direct gift of God, nevertheless
affords me the privilege of paying my modest tribute to him.
What it is you can have no difficulty in conjecturing. The
religious fervour I have felt for those exquisite hymns the
‘‘Mukapancasatr* from the earliest days I could remember is
just what makes me utter a few words in much the same
manner in which the poet himself begins his Stuti-sataka.

to

^ I

^ ciqifq i%cT^f n

« Although the very Vedas are found to be inadequate in
singing thy glory, my devotion to thy gracious feet is what
makes me say a great deal."

Here I am on safe ground and find I can rather hold up
my head. For unless you feel, in regard to your subject, in the
way you ought to feel, you can hardly hope to do justice to it
even in any slight measure.

In the first place we may congratulate the Sanskrit
Academy upon the excellent idea of keeping apart this special
Day this year in honour of the Poet Muka, in the same way as
they have been celebrating the Days of other classical Sanskrit
poets. By doing this they seek to preserve all that is best in
Sanskrit literature. In the present instance we may say with
the greatest justification that here is a poet whom it behoves us
to cherish not only an hour once a year but all the days in the
calendar. For then indeed we shall find what a unique place
he occupies in the realm of poetry and which he will continue to
occupy as long as the Sanskrit language lives.

We all know that the inspired poet easily transcends time
and space and stands as a symbol of immortality all by the

196 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

great quality of his poetry. He is rightly described as attaining
even moksa, freed from all the shackles of the world. For does
not the poet, if he can be truly called one, lose himself in the
region of his imagination so completely as to enter immediately
the presence of God and all the wonders of His Creation? No
wonder the sage of Chelsea speaks of the poet as being not
merely a poet but an infinite deal more. He is a great hero ; he
is a Prophet ; he has the touch of Divinity in him. The true
poet as the Mukta sees, hears and feels, not with his outward
senses but with his whole being as it were and consequently
finds himself to be at one with the Universe.

The story goes about this gifted poet that he was dumb —
bereft of the powers of speech and when one day by the grace of
Sri Kamaksi he suddenly found that he could speak, his joy
knew no bounds. He was so overpowered by it that his heart
opened and poured itself into a flood of praise of the Mother,
dwelling on the perfection and graciousness of Her Lotus
feet. Her exquisite smile and the beauty of Her divine Kataksa.
Whether the story is a true record of the poet’s life or it is just
one of those legends that ever weave themselves around anything
that is beyond the range of the ordinary is immaterial. Suffice
it to say that he had that great inner urge — the longing of the
soul for merging in the Infinite, which expressed itself in these
five immortal Satakas.

The question may arise why a poet of his eminence never
produced any other work than the Mukapancasati, a purely
devotional poem. Could that fact stand in the way of his being
recognised as a Mahakavi in Sanskrit poetry? He whose ken
is far removed from earthly things and is fixed on High
cannot be expected to come back to those earthly surroundings
again. It is no wonder if such a man should be dead to every-
thing else about him and if to his rapt eyes the whole universe
should seem one great image of the Mother’s glorious personal-
ity.

We are told that the poet KMidasa as he was lifted above
from the abyss of ignorance by the grace of the Goddess Kali,
at once began to pour himself forth in poetry. Knowledge of
things seen or unseen was no longer any hidden mystery to him.
It lay before him all unfolded like the lotus flower touched by
the rays of the morning sun. And yet blessed as he was by the
great Goddess, Kalidasa was evidently not so overpowered by

Part III] THE POETRY OF §Ri MuKA KAVI 197

it — did not at any rate lose all consciousness in the contemplation
of Her Divine Presence as the poet Muka. Or he should have
also sung beautiful hymns all in praise of Her ! Could it not be
said rather that Kalidasa's sense of the beautiful in nature and
art lying deep within his soul proved too strong a force for him
to resist and he could not rest till he gave himself up to the
joy of his immortal works?

Let us take up the Mukapancasati, those five hundred
verses into which the author has poured his heart in one long
exquisite and unbroken melody. The poem may be said to be a
veritable song indeed expressive of not only the music of the
Sanskrit language but all the music that there exists !

“All inmost things” to quote Carlyle again, “are melodious ;
naturally utter themselves in song. The meaning of song goes
deep. Who is there that in logical words can express the effect
music has on us ? A kind of inarticulate, unfathomable speech
which leads us to the edge of the Infinite and lets us for
moments gaze into that !” We can see that the Mukapancasati
has this divine quality of music about it.

Shall we then call it a mere devotional hymn which we can
hardly treat as a subject of literary criticism? And shall we on
that ground think that those qualities which go to make a
Mahakavya are lacking in it ? Far from it ; we discover on the
other hand the poem, though simply voicing forth a spirit of
ecstasy born of pure devotion, equally abounds in every variety
of thought and expression quite as rich and suggestive.

Consider any verse you choose. You cannot help being
thrilled by something indefinable that lies either in the thought or
in the mere arrangement of the words so remarkable for sheer
beauty of form and sound. It is not a nosegay of beautiful
flowers merely that is offered by The poet, but one that has been
gathered with the utmost care as it were and with an unerring
sense for their fragrance and colour.

Listen to this verse from the Stuti-Sataka. The meaning
of it is approximately this :

“To Sri Kamaksi I bow, to Her with the moon on her
crest, beautiful and graceful of form, smiling and with tresses,
laughing the bees to scorn, who being a very creeper of Kal-
paka to the poets sets ablaze the flame of love in Siva, the
destroyer of Manmatha.

198 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

ircf^T^cT^fTJl, I

sfiqq^r

qimiefi ^ir sRiqf^iTRT qi^qq^gqie (|

Apart from the melody of the words do we not see that
they convey an indescribably beautiful image to the mind It
is clear that pure Bhakti in itself more than any sense of the
beauty of nature can break into the finest poetry. Poetry, they
say, reaches its height when the author feels from the innermost
depths of his being. Do we not perceive in the Valmiki Ramayana
that the poet rises to the summit of his genius only when he
forgets himself completely in his adoration of the hero?

When the poet Muka is struck with a fancy of which he is
too rich from beginning to end, he pursues it to such perfection
that there is scarcely anything left wanting. Nobody could wish
for anything more alluring than the thought or the music of
this sloka.

^ici: g

Riq ^ifq ||

“This unique Cintamani which laughs to scorn the tender
leaves for softness and ever fulfils the desires of fortunate
mortals, is sprung not from the ocean but from the mountain.
May it bless me” !

Or, this one in which there is not merely the exuberance of
fancy but keen wit and observation.

q^ 1

i^ciRT ftciqqfq gm qRq%
fq^tr qid qi qi n

“The tender leaf not daring to vie with thy feet has fled to
the wood, and the lotus as the “rekhas” has taken refuge in those
very feet. Banishment or utter surrender is but meet for the
enemy in defeat”. Contemplating the graciousness of Her

199

Part III] THE POETRY OF SRI MuKA KAVI

Kataksa he is lost in wonder over this paradox that Her
Kataksa while conferring without stint even as the Kalpaka-
Vrksa all prosperity and wealth, on those who seek Her, yet
steals away all the beauty of the blue lotus and the bee and
leaves them wholly poor.

^il^srqcr 11

The poet is transported again with another beautiful idea
— for nothing short of that state of bliss in which the soul
is completely submerged — can conjure up such a picture of the
Devi in the mind. Being gazed at by the Lord Siva, Her eyes,
like the lovely lotus, brighten up with the rays of Her love as if
by the sun and still they close with shyness as with the advent
of the night.

II

Again, what surging emotion is expressed in these simple
lines of the Arya metre as the poet speaks of the Devi as a
sovereign remedy for all the ills of the world!

5T*qi^cTT i

The Mukapancasati seems to be a very store-house of
Alahkaras. Each verse may be said to be an apt illustration of
every one of them. The fact that the conscious use of the
Alahkaras proves sometimes fatal to the effect of poetry does
not hold good in the case of this poet. If at all, it only enhances
the charm of his descriptive flight.

Who can miss the beauty of the idea underlying this sloka
made doubly attractive by the Alahkara, the Virodhabhasa.

sft^siq

^^siq I

XIV~26

200 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

5RWn% ^^3 j?iq c^^qr^qm: n

“May thy Kataksa fall upon me — that Kataksa though
dark yet renders the heart of Siva aglow with love, though ever
restless it yet makes constant the devotion of mortals. It does
not proceed straight, but engenders perfect evenness and equani-
mity in the minds of thy devotees.’'

Kalidasa delineates Parvatl in his Kumarasambhava much
in the same vein. He remarks

qk fq^r^q

?cll#lgqq^cT^: RqcT^q II

“Flowers among tender leaves or pearls set amidst corals
may bear comparison with the smile playing on her lips.”

Now we shall turn to the sloka from the Mandasmita-
sataka.

Wi\ qi^^Tfkq#(^^qqiq^ mil I
(^^isgf^3^1^qq;^ionqqkfr %

q;iqi% Rqq^lftqi ^iq5[^Rl<Ifqiq;if^ I)

“The waters of the Ganges turning red on account of the
dhatu sand or the white clouds with the rays of the morning
sun upon them surely long to be compared with thy smile tinged
with the hue of thy lips”.

Really the poetic wit of Muka seems to be on a grander
scale than that of Kalidasa though his description is quite
picturesque.

We may find perhaps the poet revelling in the same kind
of metaphors and imagery without variation, but it is a marvel
he never wearies us. On the other hand we feel we can sit
listening to the slokas all our lives enraptured by the exquisite
melody of their language.

Concentration on a single theme and repetition of the
same idea may in the case of other poets tend to mar
the effect of their poetry. But it is not so with these verses.

Part HI] THE POETRY OF SRI MOKA KAVI

201

The same Bhava may be repeated a hundred times, but the
unique wonder of it is that there is no question of its ever
tiring us. Very likely the Bhavas conceived at the height of
the poet’s ecstasy, his Anandamrta, have on that very account
derived this quality therefrom, of eternal sweetness. We may
notice this peculiarity in his style — his love for saying things in
a round-about way by which however he succeeds in creating
a definite atmosphere.

The number of phrases he employs for the moon occurring
in almost every verse is as amazing as it is enchanting.

misfortune of the lotus: The

all in all of the cakora : ^^%^-The enemy of the cakravaka:

one who is worthy of the friendship of the
beautiful kumuda: — The affliction

of the progeny of the lotus pond : — The

drug which seals the eyes of the lotuses ; To mention only a
few.

We wonder, whether even Kalidasa, skilled and conscious
artist that he is, can boast of this abundance of the choicest
expressions found in the Mukapancasatl, We are lost too
much in the music of the diction even to think on the meaning.

The predominant note of all the five satakas is the
gara. The poet paints the ardent feelings of love between the
Devi and Siva in the most captivating colours just as may be
treated of in any Srngara Nataka or Kavya. We find neverthe-
less he has kept throughout in the region of Bhakti and never
strayed away from it to that of actual Srngara. Even at the
height of it, the border-land dividing Bhakti from Srhgara is
too wide and clear ever to be mistaken. Nowhere indeed can
we find any of the lower emotions vitiating the effect of the
purity of his devotion.

It is clear, the poet thought to be dumb was one of the
worst misfortunes that could affect a mortal. For he remarks
in the Arya Sataka.

The individual who thinks of you for an instant, be he
dumb or the unhappiest mortal on earth, attains the loftiest
renown.

202 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

Verily to be bereft of speech meant for him to be deprived
of that ineffable felicity of being able to sing the glory of the
Mother. So he lays special emphasis in his outpourings on this,
that the individual whom the Mother has blessed will be
endowed with the gift of poetry.

3oqq^»q^l q^q^l^Rufl ^[31^ ||

‘‘Bestowing even on those who are dumb the power of ex-
pression as holy and perennial as the Ganges." Whatever may be
the results of reading the Mukapancasatl regularly, one enduring
profit is certain. The person who has made it a habit of
reciting it with devotion is sure ultimately to gain mastery of
the Sanskrit language.

It would be incorrect to say that we have no other poem
like it in Sanskrit. There is the Saundarya Lahari of Sri
vSankara, and the Lalita Devisati of the great sage Durvasas.
But they both are to be valued more for their possessing the
efficacy of the mantra, the regular chanting of which bestows
on the individual the fulfilment of all his desires than for
their poetic value.

Though the Mukapancasatl is just an inspired poem
singing the glory of Sri Kamaksi, we find in it nevertheless
the poet’s knowledge of the Upanisads and the Sastras. For
has he expressed anything but the profoundest philosophy in
this Sloka?

qq^q qiiqrf% gqqficiqiRr

^q =q^<qqTfiPqqRqi ||

“The glory of thy feet is such that great sages after
renouncing the world seek in the light of the Sastras, their way
unto them as being the only eternal truth revealed in the Vedas."

It may be seen that he is also familiar with the fine arts.
For he points out to a nicety in the following sloka the details
of the planning of the stage.

Part III] THE POETRY OF SRI MuKA KAVI

203

^ II

“On the stage of thy Kataksa overhung with the curtain
the dark sheen of thy hair and illumined by the radiance of the
Kundalas on thy ears, thy mercy plays the part as it were of the
actress.”

What pathos is conveyed in this sloka as he speaks of his
existence depending upon small-minded men.

qfq ^ i%%cqniCi3CrRPrcC(q% Ii

‘‘Mother, how long am I to wander on this earth eking out
my existence with the help of small petty men. Turn thy
gracious ever wakeful eye upon me for I have thrown myself
at thy feet.”

I can go on in this strain quoting many more verses. But
the highly lyrical charm of the Mukapancasati is rather to be
felt than explained. Both word and meaning so wholly
merge in each other that they can scarcely be separated. It
would be no wonder if the beauty of an idea should be lost in
the translation of it into another language.

Allow me then to conclude with these words : these verses,
the living expressions of a great soul, a mahabhakta will always
make an extraordinary appeal to those who love Sanskrit.

PATAI^JALI, A LAKSYAIKACAKSUS: HIS LOFTY

REALISM.

BY

K. Madhava Krishna Sarma, M.O.L.

Adyar Library,

Panini is a practical grammarian. Katyfiyana, though he
generally preserves^ the spirit of Panini, sometimes misses it
and is on such occasions (as in the first of the instances given
below) pulled up by Patanjali in whom Panini finds the
ablest champion of his lofty realism in grammar. Patanjali does
not countenance unnecessary theorization. To him language
and grammar are coterminous. He is a l.aksyaikacaksus : one
who sees Laksana through Laksya. The difference between
Laksanaikacaksustva and Laksyaikacaksustva is the difference
between Idealism and Realism or that between theory and prac-
tice, Any linguistic phenomenon which neither the Vedic nor
the classical language embodied and was not supported by,
popular2 usage is branded by him as unfit for grammatical
treatment. The following instances clearly bear this out.

(Panini 8-2-22)

Katyayana: JrqfSrsT fq?l

qqr qiqfff ^is^q^qrciT

I

In the first Vartika Katyayana desires to be read
along with certain Sutras in this Pada enjoining ^ etc. In the
second he enumerates the purpose for which it has to be read.

Patanjali: ^11% | m

?

1. Cf. i

(P. 3. 3. 19, Vartika. 3) etc.,

2. Cf. the Mahabhasya on P 3. 1. 67: spiM

’ift 11

Part III] PATA5JJALI, A LAKSYAIKACAKSUS 205

With reference to what Katyayana says is that if

is read along with P. 8. 2. 29. (^f: =^), the

operation of that Sutra will be restricted to instances which
contain ^T^and the elision of ^canbe avoided in this case. The
word itself does not exist, says Patahjali, not to speak of

a compound like

Cf. also Patanjali on —

P. 1. 1. 24 ^ I

P. 2. 4. 34 ?r I

aiSlfe I (I

P. 6. 1. 86. 511^11% I

5^1^ I II

p. 6. 1. 68 ari^if^ | I

II

p. 6. 2. 4. 2 3f5r q I

«iqi^Siqfl5r3% (I

p. 6. 4. 19. ^^1 ff

q«ii^^q»i5r3^ II

p. 6. 4. 163. # 5T I JTlSl^ I

II

p. 7. 2. 106. f 5ri^r% I I

qqT^^5T5i3% II

The commentators^ on the Mahabhasya explain
9^ thus:

Kaiyata: ^ ^5iqq513% 5iq^^ I R^rRRI^q ^^ojJTpqi^qi-

^^11

Nagesa : 1 cl?q qiJqcTI qqi^^qqsq^ftiqq: |

31513^ ^qmiq^q ^yqcTr ^Siq^q: |

1. See the Pradipa and the Udyota on P 1. 1 24,

206 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

Katyayana very often entertains unreasonable fear and
rushes to modify Panini. His intention, it must be noted, is not
to criticise Panini but to save the latter from becoming imper-
fect or faulty in some respect as supposed by him. On such
occasions Patanjali brings it home to the Vartikakara that no
grammar can traverse the actual boundaries of the language
with which it is concerned and that the fear entertained by him
and the effort made to rectify Panini are both needless and
baseless.

The following are two instances illustrative of a host of
others.

P. 4. 3. 120. I

Katyayana: ^

Patanjali explains;

Refutes : ^ RfdWl ^ |

Riq'«n% I.

P. 4. 4. 83.

Katyayana : I

Katyayana ; I

Patanjali explains: ^RRI*T SI^R^^l RRlcT I

Refutes; I ^ I I

I qi03:%S«R& I 3I5T(RRRlfi; ||

Later commentators Laksanaika - caksuskas.

The later commentators sometimes lose themselves in the

wilderness of theorization, dallying with such conjectural
forms as those derived from the addition of to

etc. The following instances are culled from Bhattoji Diksita’s
works, but they have also the support of some other older

Part III] PATANJALI, A LAKSYAIKACAKSUS 207

commentators. Some of them, namely etc. are taken

by him from the works^ of his predecessors.

Nagesa, the greatest among the later grammarians, is the
solitary exception. He reminds us very often in his works the
necessity of sustaining Panini’s lofty realism: he is Patanjali
the second. None who have taken the pains of studying his
works closely will ever tire of praising him. It is very unfortu-
nate that modern Oriental scholarship should have been slow
to recognise fully the merit of this master-mind. The follow-
ing exemplifies some later commentators’ dry theorization and
disgusting indulgence in nvgae.

(^iq I
I

I

(Sabdakaustubha, Chowkhamba ed., Vol. I, pp. 308 and 309).

^\\ I li

( Praudhamanorama, Kasi Sanskrit Series ed., Part I, p. 98).

(Pr. Man., Part I, p. 145)
q^Ri% I cTct: I 3f^iq: | q^iq; |

qfqq^Ricqq: i q>q; i q^qi: i

Ibid, Part I, p. 384.

Bhattoji gives twenty-eight forms of the Sandhi of ^ and
^ (P. 8. 3. 33: *444^ ^qi) and one hundred and eight

forms of (Siddh. Kaum, P. 8. 3. 34). Again in the

chapter on the declension of neuters ending in consonants of the
same work he has :

^qifq i

1. Prakriyakaumudi, etc.

2. Cf* Patanjali on P. 7. 1.. 72 : «qfiqq<^4»<;4l^4>W

t^^qpiTq: I

XIV— a?

208 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

II

Ill=^sir35iif«^iq^»?q?rra; i

^ (527) *l5Rfn% }|

These words have to be searched for elsewhere than in the
range (the earth with its seven continents etc., etc.,) described
by Patanjali. Even if they are found used by some later
writers after the example of these grammarians, it is no genuine
proof for their existence. If our approach to Panini’s gram-
mar is strictly historical and if we examine these words with
an open mind, we cannot but observe that some of these later
commentators have in this respect fallen short of the high ideal
set up by Panini and Patanjali. Let us remember what Patan-
jali says in Paspasa:

^ 3^1: Wi\^ iiRi I ^4

— f? 5i5TP5r4t?q i

(Kielhorn’s ed., Vol. I, pp. 7-8).

As again t what we find in the works of some commenta-
tors referred to above, Nagesa's following statements may be
noted.

g q^Pcfi

S'«?5r ciRfifqg5Fiif3oft fi^4; i ^

(Laghusabdendusekhara, Parti, p. 149 Kasi Sanskrit Series ed.)

(p. 364)
(p. 365)

q-4ffiqt ^wi^ i

(pp. 366 and 367)

U See also p« 4-6.

209

Part III] PATAJf JALI, A LAKSYAIKACAKSUS

(p. 413)

3 5fi^2r I

(p. 460}
(p. 468)
(P. 473)

%q qr ^^orqq3% qqSc] i q^TRiin^q
qqi^r: i

(p. 473)

VEDIC STUDIES 1, THE ACT OF TRUTH IN THE

RGVEDA

BY

A, Venkatasubbiah.

(Continued from page 165, Vol. XIV).

Verse 3 ascribes the freeing of the Dawns to Indu or
Soma, who, according to Sayana, is the moon.

I

In verse 4, the expression ‘navel that wins light’ {svarvidd

ndhhind) is obscure. Sayana explains it as [asvaih] ndhhind
sannaddhena svarvidd sufthv-aranlyasya dhanasya lambhakena
rathena; and similarly, Grassmann and Ludwig explain the
pada as ‘mit segensreichen Nabe Welt durchdringend' and ‘mit
der nabe, die das liecht findet, der menschensattiger' respec-
tively. I am disposed to think that the reference here is per-
haps to Indra’s weapon Vajra, which receives the epithet
S7>arsah (^—svarvid, ‘winning light’) in 1,100,13: tasya vajrah
krandati smat svarsd divo na tveso ravathah simlvdn and the
carsanldhrt {—carsanil>rdh, ‘protecting people’) in 8,
90, 5 : [.?a tvarn soruistha vajrahasta ddsiise ‘rvancam rayim d
krd'ii 411] tvam indr a yasd asy rjlsl savasas pate\ tvam\
vrtrani hamsy apraiiny eka id dmittd carsanidhrtd. This Vajra
is mentioned along with Indra’s horses in 6, 23, 1 : ydd vd

I I > I I

yuktdbhydtn maghavan hanbhydm bibhrad vajram bahvorindra

I I

ydsi, and is described as Indra’s ‘old friend’ in O, 21, 7: tava

• • . ' ' . 11

pratnena yu jyena sakhyd vajrena dhrsno apa ta nudasva. It is

perhaps this ‘old friendship’ that is referred to as ndbhi ‘navel’
(i. e., close relation) in the verse under discussion.

( 18 )

II I I I I

1, 72, 8: svadhyo diva a sapta yahvi

- ' ' " ...I ..

rayo duro vy rtajna ajanan!

. « I I I I

vidad gavyam saramil drjham urvam

II I II

yena nu kani manusi bhojate vit [[

VEDIC STUDIES

211

Part III]

“The seven (sons) of Heaven, knowers of (spells of) truth,
longing, found the mighty doors of wealth. Sarama found
the massive cave of the cows from which the clans of men
derive enjoyment”.

The sv&dhy\h spoken of in this verse are the Ahgirases.

.1 I .

I construe with this word the expression divah sapta which
signifies ‘the seven sons of Heaven’ ; compare Geldner’s note
on 4, 16, 3 : “ ‘of Heaven’ is equivalent to ‘the sons of Heaven”

in RV. Ueber, p. 392. They are referred to as divah sapta
kdravah In 4, 16, S : diva ittha jijanat sapta kdrun he (sc.
Indra) produced here the seven poets who are the sons of

I I

Heaven’, sapta is construed with yahvlh (explained as ‘rivers’)
by Sayana, Geldner(/?F. Ueber.), Ludwig, Grassmann {RV.
Ueber.) and Oldenberg (SEE. 46, p. 83), while Bergaigne, in

III, 232, construes it with rdyo durah.^

Vyajdnan ‘found’ seems to signify, further, ‘rent’. The
‘wealth’ mentioned in pada b refers, as observed above, to the

I I . .

herd of cows (gomayam vasu) imprisoned in the mountain.

Sarama, mentioned in c, is the divine dog who takes
part, along with the Angirases, Brhaspat*, Indra and others, in
the discovery and release of the cows imprisoned in Vala. As
we shall see below, she too is said to have discovered the cows
by means of ‘the path of rta', that is, by means of (a spell of)
truth.

iirva signifies ‘hole, cave, cavity', that is, the mountain-cave
in which the cows were confined. In the second half, we
have to supply the word tena to correspond with the word

I . I I 1,1 I

yena. The expression yend nu karn mdnusl bhojate vit refers
to the milk of the cows ; see Sayana’s commentary and compare

also 3, 30, 14 : mahi jyotir nhitam vaksandsv dmd pakvam

I II, ’ j ' ‘ *

carati bibhratt gauh\ visvant svddma sambhrtam usriydydm

I I I * I ’

yat slm indro adadhad bhojandya.

Regarding the finding of milk in connection with the Vala
myth, compare 3, 31, 11 : ja jdtebhir vrtrahd sed u havyav' ud

1. In II, 135, on the other hand, he seems to have construed
.11

it with divo yahvih.

212 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

usrtyd asrjad indro arkaih\ uriicy astnai ghrtavad bharanti
madhu svadma duduhe jenya gauh; 6, 17, 6: tava kratvd iava

I t I I j I I I

tad damsanahhir dmdsn pakvam sacyd ni dldhah\ aurnor dura
usriydhhyo vi drlhodurvad gd asrjo angirdsvdn and 8, 32, 25 :

• I '.*1 I 1*1 I 'S' I . II

ya udnah phaligam bhinan nyak sindhufir avdsrjat] yo gosu
pakvam dhdrayat.

(19) 5, 45, 8: visve asya vyusi mahinayah

I • I . I . I

sam yad gobhir angiraso navanlaj

I ' II

utsa asam parame sadhastha

I * I I I

rtasya patha sarama vidad gahl|

“When, at the dawning of this great one, all the Ahgirases
roared with the cows, — their spring is in the highest abode —
Sarama found the cows by the path of truth”.

As explained above under 4, 3, 11, the ‘roaring of the
Ahgirases with the cows* refers to the sound made by the
Ahgirases, when they uttered spells of truth for the purpose of

rending the mountain and freeing the cows, rtasya, in pada d,
means ‘of a spell of truth’. This spell does not seem to
be the one uttered by the Ahgirases; on the other hand,
it is more probable that, like Indra and Brhaspati, Sarama too
joined the Ahgirases when they uttered the spell of truth, and
that the reference here is to the spell of truth uttered by her

I I

See 3, 31, 6 explained below. Sayana explains rtasya pathd as
satyasya mdrgena.

(20) 5, 45, 7 : anunod atra hastayato adrir

I II, II

arcan yena dasa maso navagvahj

I III.

rtarn yati sarama ga avindad

’ . I

visvani satyahgiras cakaraj]

“The pressing-stone, guided by the hands, made here a loud
sound by w ich the Navagvas sang for ten months. Attaining
the (spell of) truth, Sarama found the cows; Ahgiras perfor-
med all acts of truth”.

I III. . .

Pada c. rtam yati sarama gd avindat has the same signi-
fication as pada, d, rtasya pathd sarama vidad gdh of 5, 45, 8
explained above. Compare also Sayana’s explanation rtam
satyam yajnam va yati prapnuvati.

VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH

213

Regarding the expression satya ca^dra, compare the expres-

I . I .

Sion krnomi satyam in AV. 4, 18, 1 explained above and the
observations made in that connection. The singular angiras
here seems to stand for the plural, jatdv eka-vacanam. Or,
does it refer to Indra who, as mentioned above, is described as
'chief Angiras’?

The meaning of pfidas cd is, thus, 'Sarama found the cows
by means of a spell of truth when Angiras (or, the Angirases)
too uttered spells of truth’. Compare 3, 31, 6-7 explained

below.

- I I I. I

(21) 3, 31, 0-7: vijau satir abhi dhira atrndan

praca hinvan manasa sapta viprah|

b . ' '

visvam avindan pathyam rtasya

I ill I ‘ ^

prajanann it ta namasa vivesa] |

I I I " ' .

vidad yadi sarama rugnam adrer

I I I * II

mahi pathah purvyam sadhryak kah|

I ■ I ‘ I

agram nayat supady aksaranam

1*1 II

accha ravam prathama janad gatj]

I I I

agacchad u vipratamah sakhlyann
I ‘ , M !

asudayat sukrte garbham adnhj

I I ■ I . * I

sasana maryo yuvabhir makhasyann
I I II

athabhavad angirah sadyo arcanH

“The seven sagacious bards cut a path for those {fern.) that
were in the fortress and drove them out by a forward-turned
spell; they found every path of truth. The sagacious (Indra)
burst in upon them with a prayer.

“When Sarama found the cleft in the mountain, she drove
the primaeval water which was together; she with the fine feet
led the van of the imperishable ones; she first went towards the
sound, recognising it.

“(Indra), the best of seers, went there to make friends;
the mountain put out the foetus for the well-doer. The youth,
fighting, won, along with the youths; then, uttering spells, he
became an Angiras in the same instant.”

In v. 5, ‘those in the fortress’ in pada a are the cows

.* 1 1 I

imprisoned in the mountain. viivSm avindat pathyam rtasya in

214 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

b has the same sense as visvani satya' iigirdi cakdra in pada d
of 5, 45, 7 explained above; ‘they found every path of truth'
means ‘they employed every spell of truth; they employed
spells of truth on every occasion’. It is this spell of truth that

is referred to by the expression prdicd manasd (^=prdcd
mantrena) in b; compare whh it 7, 67, 5: prdclni u devdsvind
dhiyam me* mrdhrdm sdtaye krtam vasuyum. prajdnan, in d,

seems to refer to Indra, and namasd, to the spell of truth
employed by him.

Regarding v. 6, the interpretations given by the exegetists
differ widely from one another. Sayana explains it as : yadi
yada sarama inJ.rena gavauvesanartharn presiia sarama nama
deva-suni adreh rugnam bhagnam dvaram vidat alabhata
tadanim indrah mahi mahat purvyam purvam presana-kale
'nnadinarn te prajam k irisyami iti pratijnaiarn sadhryak itarair
api bhojyaih sadhiicinam paihah gavyadi laksanam annam kah
akarsit tasyai dattavan [ latah supadi sobhana-pada-yukta sa
sarama aksaranarn ksaya-rahitanam gavam agram prantam
nayat prapnot] kuta ity ata aha| yatah ravam tesam hambha-
ravam prathama prathamam janati sati accha sabdaivhimukhyena
gat jagama. Geldner {RV. Ueber.) translates it as, “ ‘Wenn
die Sarama den Spalt in Fedlsen findet, so wird sie ihren
fruheren grossen Schutz vollstandig machen’. Die Leichtfussige
leitete die Reden ein; kundig ging sie als erste auf das Gebrull
zu”, Grassmann {RV. Ueber.) as, “Als Sarama den Spalt des
Felstns auffand, da bahnte sie den, alien Himmelspfad, der zu
einem Ziele hinfuhrt; mit sicherm Fuss geht sie voran ; der
unversieglichen [Kuhe oder Strome] Geton erkennend, kam sie
zuerst hin” and Ludwig as, “Als Sarama den ris des felsen
fand, [plunderte] raffte sie zusammen dem grosen alten ort,
mit gutem fuze furte sie an der spitze der gewaszer, zuerst war
zum gebrull sie die wol kundige gekomen”. Further, in an
article published In ZDMG. 54, p. 599 ff., it has been contended
by Oldenberg that the word pdthah does not signify ‘water' at
all in the RV, and he has translated pada b of the above verse
as ‘die grosse alte Statte vereint machte’.

The above-mentioned interpretations of the word pdthah
seem to me to be all unsatisfactory, and I believe that the

Part III] VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 215
meaning * water’ suits it best in this passage. Compare 3, 31,

I I III I ^

16 : apai cid esa vihhvo damundh pra sadhrtctr asrjad visvas-
candrah “This lord (Indra) released the all-shining mighty
waters that were together**, which occurs in the same hymn,
that is, in connection with the same Vala myth; and note how

the words vibhvah and sadhricih of this verse correspond to

the words mahi and sadhryak in v. 6b ^ kaht in 6b, signifies
‘drove out, impelled*, just as krta in the expression kdmena
km (6, 49, 8; 6, 58, 3-4) signifies ‘impelled; getrieben’ (see
Pischel, Ved. St., 1, 22) ; and thus the only difference between

V. 6b and v. 16ab is that the former speaks of ‘water’ (pat hah)

in the singular, while the latter speaks of ‘waters’ (apah) in
the plural.

Regarding the epithet purvyam ‘primaeval’ applied to

II I II

water, compare 10, 30, 10: rse janitrir bhuvanasya patmr apo

vandasva savrdhah sayonth “Make obeisance, O seer, to the
Waters, the creators and lords of the world, that have grown up
together in the same womb”, and the passages cited in VVSt. 1
p. 162.

I

In the translation given above, I have made sarama sub-
ject of the verb kah, because it is the subject of the verd vidad
in pada a, and of nayat and gat in padas cd also. It is how-
ever possible that the subject intended by the poet may be
indrah, mentioned in verse 4d. Compare 3, 31, 16 cited above;

hymn 3, 31 is addressed to Indra, and as said above, prjdnan
in V. 5d refers in all probability to him.

In pada c, aksardndm denotes, according to the interpreta-
tions reproduced above, cows, speeches, waters or rivers. The

expression agram nayat however in that pMa is synonymous

with prathamd gat in the next; and it would seem therefore

that aksardndm refers to the persons that followed the guidance
of Sarama, to wit, the Angirases, who are said in 10, 62, 1 :

!■ It may be noted that the word sadhryak or its equivalent

SadhrlcinOf sadhriclna, nowhere occurs in the RV as an epithet of
words signifying ‘place* ; see Grassmann $. v.

XlV-28

216 JOUNRAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XVI
ye yajnl’tta daksinaya saniakta mdrasya sakhyam amrtatvam

^1 I

anasa to have attained immortality {amrtatvam). The only
objection against this interpretation is the fact that aksara is
not, even in later Sanskrit literature, used as a synonym of
amartya. If this objection be regarded as insuperable, I would

then understand aksara here as ^speech’, a sense which the word
has in 7, 15,9: upa tv d sat aye naro vtprdso yanti dhitihhih I

I I j

updksard sahasnni. The ‘speeches’ referred to would be the
spells of truth uttered by Sarama, the Ahgirases, Indra, etc. ;
and the pada would thus signify that Sarama was the first in
uttering a spell of truth and that her example was followed by

I

the Angirases, etc. supadt should then be interpreted as ‘she
who has fine words’.

In verse 7, it is the object of the poet to describe how
Indra became an Angiras. The verse says that Indra went to
the Angirases offering his friendship (pada a), that this offer
was accepted and Indra became one of the Angirases (pada d),

that, chanting (a spell of truth), he and his friends {yuvahhih)
offered battle and won (pada c), and that the mountain gave
up the foetus, that is, the cows and waters, etc., that had been
imprisoned (piida b).

(22) 1, 71, 2-3: vilu cid drjha pitaro na ukthair
adrini rujann angiraso ravena j
cakrur divo brhato gatum asme

I II I I

all ah svar vividuh ketum usrah f]
dadhann rtarn dhanayann asya dhitim

< , I 1 1 I

ad id aryo didhisvo vibhrtrah [

L .-I ' .

atrsyantir apaso yanty accha

devan janma prayasa vardhayantih ||

“Our fathers, the Angirases, have cleft even solid fortresses by
means of spells, the mountain by their shout. They have made
for us a path to the wide heaven. They found the day, the
sun, and the herald of the Dawns“ (after) they upheld the truth
and made current its spell. Then, the wooing (prayers) of the
rich (sacrificer), that have spread themselves, unthirsting.

Paet III] VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 217

active, go to the tribes of the gods, strengthening them with
pleasing (food)".

I.

In verse 2, ukthaih denotes the spells of truth uttered by
the Ahgirases, and rava the loud sound produced by the utter-

I I I ,

ance. The vllu drlha are the same as the adri. The meaning
of the fourth pacla is, ‘they set free the imprisoned Dawns, dis-
pelled the darkness, made the sun mount the sky, and caused
the day’.

The first pada of verse 3 forms one sentence with pada d
of verse 2, and we have to supply a word like ‘after’ between

them, rtam dadhan is equivalent to rtatn yemuh and asya
I ‘ * I ' /

(rtasya) dhiiim dhmiayan to rtam asusanah in 4, 2, 14
explained above.

In padas 2, 3, the meaning of the word didhisvah,

vtbhrtrdh, and atr^yantlh is not clear; and I have, above, mostly
followed the translation given by Oldenberg (SBE. 46, p. 74),
supplying also, like him, the word ‘prayers’ after these words.
The two padas signify, according to Geldner {RV. Ueber.):
‘^Since then, the covetous (thoughts) of the rival sacrificer are
(like) children that are carried; the desireless (thoughts) of
the skilled (singer) only go to them”, and according to Ludwig,
*‘Then, distributing themselves among the pious desirers,
(themselves) not thirsting, the clever (Dawns) approach".
According to Sayana, those who approach are the yajamdna-
laksandh prajdh.

Concerning the expression ‘wooing prayers’, see Bergaigne,
II, 268 ff.

Regarding verse 3 d, I cannot agree with Oldenberg in his

, I . I ,1 .1

opinion (op. cit, p. 77) that devan janma=devam janma, and

that devam is the genitive plural (without the augment -n-) of

deva, in the same way as in 1, 70, 6: eta cikitvo bhiimd ni pdhi
, . I I , . , I I

devdndm janma martdms ca vtdvdn, martdm is the genitive

plural of marta. This latter verse does not signify, “Protect,
O knowing one, these beings, thou who knowest the birth of
gods and men" as Oldenberg believes (p. 70, op. cit.), but
‘Protect, O knowing one, these beings, thou that observest the
tribes of gods and men’ ; compare Geldner’s translation, *Du,

218 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

Kundiger, schutze diese Geschopfe, der du die Geschlechter der

Gotter und Sterblichen kennst’,^ and the verses 2, 6, 7 (antar
ii I I I I

hy agna lyase vidvan janmobhaya kave) and 9, 73, 8 referred

I . I I

to by him. devdnam janma martdms ca—devdndm janmdni
niartdm^ ca—devajanmdni martajanmdni ca. Similarly, in 1,

I .

71, 3d too janma= janmdni; and devan /a;imaw/=the tribes that
are the gods, i.e., the tribes of the gods.

Padas bed say that, after the Angirases found the Dawns,
the sun and the day, pious sacrificers began to offer prayers and
pleasing food to the gods.

I j II

(23) 10, 67, 2-3: rtam samsanta rju didhyana
. i " • I ‘ I

divas putraso asurasya virahl

'. ' • •
vipram padam ahgiraso dadhana
' ' '
yajnasya dhama prathamam mauantall

harnsair iva sakhibhir vavadadbhir

' • . . < •
asmanmayani nahana vyasyanl

.1 I . . I . i'

brhaspatir abhikanikradad ga
I .1 I i«s.

uta prastaud uc ca vidvan agayat||

“Uttering the (spell of) truth, and thinking righteously,
the valiant Angirases, sons of the mighty Dyaus, bearing the
word ‘bard’, praised first the worshipful one.

“With the companions who were crying loudly like swans,
Brhaspati, observing and removing the stony bonds, roared to-
wards the cows, and praised and sang loudly”.

The signification of vipram padam dadhandh is v. 2c is
obscure. Sayana explains the expression as vipram prajnd-
pakam yajnasya dhama dharakam padam hrhaspaty-dkyam
dadhandh karmand dharayantah santah prathamam ddita eva
mananta stuvanti\ prajhdpakam hy etat sthdnamyad brhaspatir
iti, Ludwig as, ‘winning the position of holy singers’, and
Grassmann as ‘guiding ( ?) their step to the singer’. I prefer

I ,, I II

to interpret padam as ‘word , and vipram padam dadhandh as
‘bearing the word (i.e., name) vipra\ i.e., known by the name
of ‘bard’.

1. Ludwig’s tran lation too is similar to that of Geldnes.

Part III] VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 219

yaj’na, in pada d, signifies yajamya or ‘worshipful’; see
VVSt. 1, p. 7. Who the worshipful was whom the Angirases
praised as a preliminary to their satya-kriya, we do not know.
Regarding such preliminary adoration, see the observations of
Burlingame cited above in the explanation of 4, 2, 1446.

1 I

In V. 3, the expression hamsair iva vavadadhhih refers to
the loud sound produced by the Angirases when uttering the
spell of truth. Similarly, the words kanikradat, astaut, and
udagayat too refer to the spell of truth uttered by Brhaspati in

I . I

company with the Angirases. abhtkanikradad gah ‘roared
towards the cows’=spoke loudly a spell of truth for the pur-
pose of (rending the mountain and) freeing the cows.

The meaning of verses 2, 3 thus is: the Angirases praised
the worshipful one first and then uttered the spell of truth;
Brhaspati joined them in the utterance, and as a result, the
stony enclosure imprisoning the cows was removed and the
cows were released.

I I j

(24) 2, 24, 14: brahmanaspater abhavad yathavasam
satyo manyur mahi karma karisyatah]
yo ga udajat sa dive vi cabhajan

I I. I i ,

mahiva ritih savasa sarat prthak||

“The spell of truth of Brahmanaspati, who was about to
perform a great feat, acted as desired; he who drove forth the
cows gave them to Heaven; (the herd of cows), like a mighty
current, moved forward impetuously with strong force”.

ma;iyM^= spell (cp. Sayana’s explanation, manyuh manana-

sadhano mantrah), and satyo manyuh=satya-mantrah or satya-
vacanam.

The ‘great feat that he was about to perform’ is, of course,
the rending of the mountain and the freeing of the Waters and
the cows. As already pointed out in VVSt. 1, p, 145, iva in
pada d has the force of ca and signifies ‘and’.

(25) 10, 108, 11

duram ita panayo varlya

I » * II

ud gavo yantu minatir rtenal

I i I I ’i

brhaspatir ya avindan nigulhah

i I I I ' '

somo gravana rsayas ca viprah| |

220 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

*‘Go away, far away, ye Panis. Let the lowing cows come out,
the cows, which had been hidden and which, by means of a
(spell of) truth, Brhaspati found, (and also), Soma, the pres-
sing-stones, and the inspired rsis”.

Hymn 10, 108, in which the above verse occurs, is a
dialogue between the Panis who had hidden the cows and
Sarama who had been sent by Indra to discover them. The
above is the last verse in the hymn and is spoken by Sarama. I

construe rtena with avindat, because we know (see above) that
Brhaspati, with the Angirases, uttered spells of truth for free-
ing the cows.

It is also possible to construe rtena with udyantu or
minatlh. In the former case, pada b would signify ^<Let the
lowing cows come out with the (spell of) truth, that is, as soon
as the spell of truth is uttered". In the latter case, rtena
minatlh means ‘lowing with the (spell of) truth*, that is,
‘blending their cries with the sound of the spell of truth*; com-
pare in this connection the observations under no, 14 above.

I I

rsayo viprdh, in d, are the Angirases.

(26) 10, 47, 6: ra saptagum rtadhltim sumedham

, ' « . I I ’

brhaspatim matir accha jigati I

ya angiraso namasopasadyo

, ‘ .11 I

’smabhyam citram vrsanam rayim dah 1 1

“Our praise goes forth to Brhaspati who has seven cows, uses
spells of truth and is sagacious, the son of Ahgiras who is to
be approached with obeisance. Confer on us wealth which is
strong and beautiful".

The ‘seven cows* of Brhaspati seem to be the seven
prayers (see Bergaigne, II, 145); that is. the prayers of the
‘seven bards (z/i/>ra)’ or Angirases; see Geldner’s note on 4,
50, 4 in op. cit., p. 435. Since Brhaspati explicitly receives the
name of Ahgirasa here, there is no doubt that rtadhiti has the
same meaning as it has when it is used in connection with the
Angirases, namely, ‘he who has (t.^., employs) spells of truth';
see 6, 39, 2 explained above. Pada d is the refrain common to
all the verses of this hymn.

Part III] VEDIC STUDIES: 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 221

(27) 2, 23, 3: a vibadhya parirapas tamamsi ca

> I I

jyotismantam ratham rtasya tisthasi|
brhaspate bhimam amitradambhanam

,1 I I

raksohanam gotrabhidani svarvidam|[

“ Driving away the evaders and darkness, thou, O Brhaspati,
ascendest the chariot of truth, that is brilliant, terrible, that
injures enemies, destroys demons, pierces mountains and wins
the sun.”

The spell of truth (rta) by means of which Brhaspati
overcomes the Panis, destroys demons, dispels darkness, rends
mountains, and wins the sun, is here (by the use of Rupa-
kalarnkara) called his chariot.

The meaning of parirapah(so according to the Padapatha;

I

is the word really parirdpah?) in pada a is not certain. Sayana
explains it as parirapah pdpa-rUpam taksah...yad vd parivad-
ato nindakdn, Grassmann as ‘humming round, humming
horribly, whispering sinisterly’, Hillebrandt (Lieder d. RV.
p. 26) as ‘abuse’, and Ludwig as ‘evil-speakers’. Geldner
{RV. Ueber.) interprets it as ‘excuse’, pointing out in the note

that the allied word parirdpin occurs in AV. 5, 7, 2 (yam ardte
II . ! I I

purodhatse puntsam parirdpmam\ namas te tasmai krnmah)

and 12, 4, 51 {ye vaidyd adandyavjdanti parirdpinah\ tndrasya

mattyave jdlmd d vrscante acittyd), and seems to denote people
who seek, by means of excuses, to evade payment of fees due
to priests. I am inclined to accept this interpretation, with the
substitution however, of ‘revilings’ instead of ‘excuses’; and it

is my belief that parirapah also means likewise ‘people who, by
means of revilings, seek to evade payment of fees due to
priests’. T.iis unwillingness to pay priests is the very
characteristic that distinguishes the Panis (see Ved. Stud., 1, pp.
XXIV, XXV, and 126) ; and thus there seems to be no doubt
that it is the Panis who are referred to here by the word

parirapah.

flro/ra =mDuntain harbouring {i.e., imprisoning) cows.

222 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vql. XIV

(28) 2, 24, 8: rtajyena ksiprena brahmanaspatir

*11 II I

yatra vasti pra tad asnoti dhanvanal

i I .1 I I

tasya sadhvir isavo yabhir asyati

I 1*1

nrcaksaso drsaye karnayonayah||

‘With the quick-shooting bow which has the truth for bow-
string, Brhaspaii hits wherever he likes. The arrows belonging
to him, the beholder of men, with which he shoots, are
excellent, and are seen to have the ears for their home”.

The truth is, in this verse, compared to the string of a
bow ; the arrows shot with this bow the mouth) are the

spells of truth which achieve all the objects that Brhaspati has

in view, yoni, in signifies, not ‘womb’ (utpatti-sthana) t

but ‘home, resting-place*.

Ill I

(29) 2, 24, 2-3 : yo nantvany anaman ny ojaso-

I II I

tadardar manyuna sambarani vil

I I 1*1

pracyavayad acyuta brahmanaspatir

a cavisad vasumantatn vi parvatam||

II • I

tad devanam devatamaya kartvam

I ■ I .1

asrathnan drlha’ vradanta vijiia|

II r ' . I ’ I

ud ga aiad abhinad brahmana valam

I I II ’ll, ,

aguhat tamo vy acaksayat svah||

“Who, with force, be lt the bendable ones, Brahmanaspati rent
the fortresses of Sambara and others by means of a spell, shook
the unshakable ones, and burst in by force into the mountain
containing wealth ;

“that was the work (set) for the godliest of the gods.
They broke the massive ones to pieces and made weak those
which were strong. By means of a spell, he (Brahmanasp iti)
drove out the cows, pierced Vala, hid the darkness, and made
the sun shine”.

manyu— mantra or spell; compare Sayana’s explanation

manyuna mamma krodhenava. sambarani = fortresses (purah)

of Sambara and other demons; see GelJner’s note in his
RV. Ueber The ‘wealt’i’ contained in the mountain is, of
course, the cows imprisoned in it.

Part III] VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 223

In V. 3!^ airathnan has been explained by all the exegetists
(Sayana, Geldner, Ludwig. Grassmann) as a passive or
intransitive verb. I find it difficult to subscribe to this view
inasmuch as, in the RV, srath, in the Parasmaipada, is always
transitive and governs an object; and I have therefore construed

I , I ^

drlhd as the object of asrathnan. As subject of this verb and,
perliaps, of avradanta also, we have to supply the word te,
referring to the Angirases. drlhd and vllitd both refer to the
mountains that imprisoned the cows.

I I

The spell (manyu, brahman) mentioned in these two
verses is, as we have seen above, a spell of truth.

II II

(30) 10, 67, 5-8: vibhidya puram sayathem apacirn
nis trini sakam udadher akrntatl

I 'i . I I ‘ ‘i

brhaspatir usasam suryam gam

*1 ‘ ■ I ■ I

arkarn viveJa stanayann iva dyauh[l

II II

indro valam raksitararn dughanam

kareneva vi cakarta ravena]

I . I . i I

svedanjibhir asiram icchamano

I I I

^rodayat panim a ga amusnatj |
sa im satyebhih sakhibhih sucadbhir

I ■ r r

godhayasam vi dhanasair adardah|

I ' • I ' . ’

brahmanaspatir vrsabhir varahair
I ' ’ ' I II

gharmasvedebhir dravinarn vy a, ati|

I I I I I

te satyena manasa gopatim ga

I . i

iyanasa isanayanta dhibhihl

I I ’ * I

brhaspatir mitho-avadyapebhir
I ' I I

ud usriya asrjata svayugbhihH

“Shattering the westward-turned fort, the lairs, Brhaspati cut
out at the same time from the water-reservoir three things,
(namely), the Dawn, the sun, the cow ; he uttered the hymn
loudly thundering like the sky.

“As if with a sword, Indra, with a roar, cut Vala who was
keeping watch over the cows; desiring milk, he, with the sweat-
adorned ones stole the cows from the Pani and made him weep.
XIV— 29

224 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

“With the truth-speaking companions, who were effulgent
and winners of wealth, he rent (the mountain) containing cows;
with the strong boars, perspiring with heat, Brahmanaspati
attained to the wealth.

“Desiring cows by means of a spell of truth, they shattered
the watcher of cows with spells. With his companions who
protected one another from sin, Brhaspati delivered the cows”.

These verses are addressed to Brhaspati and refer to his
rending of Vala and freeing of the cows, etc., in the company of
the Ahgirases; padas ab of verse 6, however, speak of Indra.

In verse 5, sayatha in pada a is construed with the words
of pada b by Ludwig who translates the two padas as, ‘als er

gespaltet die westliche burg, loste er mit der schneidenden waffe
drei lager ausz dem meere’, and observes (V. 480) that the three
‘lairs’ are the sky, atmosphere, and earth. Grassmann, on the

I . I

other hand, construes sdyathd with vihhidya, which course
seems to me to be correct; see Oldenbekg, RF. Noten,

The ‘three’ referred to in pada b are the Dawn, sun, and

cow mentioned in c. udadhi ‘water-reservoir’ refers to the fort-
ress of Vala in which were imprisoned, not only the cows,
dawns, and the sun, but the Waters also; and it is very probable

that the expression udadher nlrakrntat refers to the cutting of

the udadhi itself, that is to say, to the delivery of the Waters
also.

Viveda, in pada d, is regarded by Ludwig, Grassmann
and Geldner (F ed. St,, 2, p. 2/8) as the perfect form of the

root vid ‘to obtain’ governing the objects usasam, suryam, gam

arkant. According to this construction however the number of
things found by Brhaspati is not three as represented by pada b,
but four. Moreover, among the many other passages in the
RV which speak of the rending of Vala and the freeing of the
cows, etc., there is not even one which refers to the finding (or
winning) of a hymn; and it thus becomes clear that this con-
struction is not satisfactory. I propose therefore to regard

viveda as the perfect form of the root vid ‘to know.’ Arkam

viveda is thus the equivalent of arkam amanuta and signifies,
‘Uttered a spell loudly’ ; compare the sense which man has in 10

Part III] VEDIC STUDIES: 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 225
13 , 1 ; 4, 1, 16 and 10, 67, 2 explained above. Compare also

.III I

10, 114, 1 : vidur devah sahasdmdnam arkani ‘the gods uttered
loudly the rk along with the saman*.

In V. 6b, kara is interpreted as ‘hand^ by Sayana and other

exegetists. The verb vicakarfa however shows that this mean-
ing cannot be right, and I therefore translate it as ‘sword’.
Compare the words karapattra ‘saw’ and karavala ‘small sword,
dagger’ that are in use in later Sanskrit literature; compare also
Ludwig’s alternative explanation of the word as ‘messer’ on

V, 480. In pada d, rava refers not only to the spell of truth
uttered by Indra, but also to the spells uttered by his companions

the Ahgirases who are referred to in pada c by the word

I

svedanji ‘sweat-adorned’.

In verse 7, I interpret satyehhih as ‘truth-speaking’, i.e.,
‘speaking spells of truth’, follov/ing Sayana’s explanation of the
word as satya-vadihhih in his commentary on this verse in TB
(2, 8, 5, 1); compare also the analogous use of this word in 7,
75, 7 explained below. It is also interesting to note that Saya-
na there interprets sucadbhih as htddhi-yuktaih that is, as
htcibhih; and one should compare in this connection the pas-
sages from the Asvalayana-grhyasulra-parisista and other
works cited above in the explanation of 4, 1, 13-17.

Dravinam in pada d, as also dhana in dhanasaih in b, refers
to the cows imprisoned in the mountain.

I I

In verse 8, satyena manasS=satyena mantrena ‘with a spell

I . I I ' ,

of truth; gopatim is equivalent \o raksitdram dugh&nam in v. 6a
and refers to Vala; isanayanta=airayan, ‘shattered’; see the

explanatioi of AV. 6, 47, 3 given above. Svayugbhih, in d,
refers to the Ahgirases.

(31) 10, 68, 6: yada valasya piyato jasum bhed

II I ^ ‘i

brbaspatir agnitapobhir arkaihj

,11. 1 . I

dadbhir na jihva parivistam adad
J . • i

avir nidhmr akrnod usriyanam| |

“When Brhaspati, with spells glowing like fire, pierced the
languor of Vala, took (the herd of cows) that had been en-

226 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

closed, just as the tongue eats What has been chewed by the
teeth; he brought to light the treasures of cows”.

‘Piercing the languor of VaH* signifies ‘putting an end to
the languor caused by Vala; releasing from the hold of Vala'.

i

ar^aiA=spelIs (of truth) ; compare Sayana’s explanation
arcanlyaih rasmibhih] apt vd mantraih and also the explanation
of Geldner in RV. Komm., p. 173. Pada c contains a Mesa
based on the different meanings of the words parivistam and

adat. The meaning is; yatha jihva dadbhih parivistam pari-
tah khaditam bhaksyam adat atti tatha brhaspatih parivistam
valena parivrtam goyutham adat adade.

(32) 10, 68, 8-9: asnapinaddham madhu pary apasyan

I I ‘ I I

matsyam na dina udani ksiyantamj
II..' I I I

nis taj jabhara camasam na vrksad
1*1 I i

brbaspatir viravena vikrtya| I
sosam avindat sa svah so agniip

III ' I

so arkena vi babadhe tamarnsil

I I . I I

brhaspatir govapuso valasya

I I I 'i

nir majjanarn na parvano jabharajj

“He saw the sweet thing covered with the stone just as one sees
a fish dwelling in a small quantity of water (that is, a fish in
shallow water). Brhaspati drew it out, as one does a drinking
cup from the wood, after cutting it by means of a shout.

“By means of a spell, he won the Dawn, the sun, the fire;
he destroyed the darkness; he took out (the herd of cows)
from Vala who had imprisoned the cows in his body, as one
takes out the marrow from a joint”.

I

In verse 8, madhu in pada a refers to the herd of cows.

In verse 9, govapusah is explained by Sayana as goriipa-sartra-
sya. Grassmann explains it (s. v.) similarly as ‘die Gestalt
der Kuhe habend*, and Geldner (RV. Kontm. p. 229) as ‘dessen
Staat die Kuhe sind oder stiergestaltig’, while Bergaigne’s ex-
planation too is similar. Ludwig, on the other hand, translates
the word as ‘des uuf seinen kuhe stolzen’, and Oldenberg (RV.
Noten) as ‘als Wundererscheinung die Kuhe (bei sich, in sich)

Part III] VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 227

habend*. For my part, I regard g'ovapusah as a vyadhikarana
bahuvrthi (gavah vapusi sarire yasya sah) signifying ‘he who
holds cows within his body’, i.e., ‘he who encloses the cows

within his self’. Govapuso valasya is thus equivalent to the ex-
pression valasya gomatah which occurs in 1, 11, 5;tvam

III ‘ I

valasya gomato ’pavar adrivo bilam.

. I . I

Vtravena in v. 8 and arkaih in v, 9 both refer to the spells
(of truth) employed by Brhaspati. It must be borne in mind
that the exploit of rending the mountain and freeing the
Waters, etc., was performed, not by Indra or Brhaspati alone,
but in the company of the Ahgirases, who also uttered spells of
truth on the occasion.

I I I

(33) 6, 73, 3: brhaspatih sam ajayad vasuni

* I I i I II

maho vrajan gomato deva esahl

II II I

apah sisasan svar apratito

I rhaspatir hanty amitram arkaih] (

“This god, Brhaspati, won wealth, great stables full of cows.
Desirous of winning the Waters, and the sun, Brhaspati, irresi-
stible, strikes the enemy with spells”.

I,

ar^at/^= spells (of truth).

I I , , I III

(34) 4, 50, 1 : yas tastambha sahasa vi jrao antan

I ' . . , II

brhaspatis tnsadhastho ravenaj

I II I

tarn pratnasa rsayo didhyanah

' I .1 ' . I ‘

puro vipra dadhire mandrajihvamj|

“Brhaspati, who has three abodes, and, by means of a shout,
made fast in a moment the ends of the earth, him with the plea-
sing tongue, the ancient rsis, the bards, uttering spells, placed
in the front”.

I

Ravena ‘by means of a shout’=by means of the utterance

of a spell (of truth). Sahasa=a\l at once, in a moment; a sense
which it has in later Sanskrit literature also. The ‘ancient

rsis, the bards’ are the Ahgirases. Didhyanah signifies ‘utter-
ing spells’, in the same was as dldhiti signifies ‘hymn, spell’ ;
compare also the analogous use of the root man referred to

228

JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

above. Puro placed in front; made leader in the

utterance of spells. Compare in this connection 1,190,1;

anarvdnam vrsabham inandrajihvam brhaspatim varahayd

I ‘ ■ I ' ■ ■ I I i‘

navyam arka h\ gathanyah suruco yasya deva asrnvanti nava~

mdnasya martdh “magnify with hymns the blameless, excellent,
praiseworthy Brhaspati with pleasing tongue, whose roar when
he is the leader in singing, effulgent, is heard by gods and
mortals”. The epiihet gdthdnl is applied to Indra in 8, 92, 2 :

purtthiitam purustutam gathdnayam sanasrutam, and doubtless
for the same reason. As aleady mentioned above, angirastama
or ‘chief Angiras’ is one of the epithets which is applied by the
poets to Brhaspati and to Indra also.

II II

(35) 4, 50, 4-5 : brhaspatih prathamarn jayamano

maho jyotisah parame vyoman|

I '*.11

saptasyas tuvijato ravena

I I , . „ * I

VI saptarasmir adhamat tamamsi] |

till I

sa sustubha sa rkvata ganena

I ’ll

valam ruroja phaligam ravena |

I I I. ‘ I ’

brhaspatir usriya havyasudah

i I I ’

kanikradad vavasalir ud ajat||

“Being born first in the high st of the great light, Brhaspati who
has seven mouths and seven reins, and is born many times,
blew away the dark (cave) by means of a shout.

“With the singing troop, he, with a loud shout, rent the
crystal enclosure of Vala; Brhaspati, roaring, drove out the
lowing cows that sweeten the sacrificial offering”.

rava^ in both verses, refers to the utterance of the (spell
of) truth. The ‘singing troop’ in v. 5a are the Angirases chan-
ting the spell of truth.

I III

(36) 1, 62, 2-7: pra vo mahe mahi namo bharadhavam

, . i j

angusyam savasanaya sama]

III I
yena nan purve pitarah padajna

I I . • I . , ,

arcanto angiraso ga avindan} |

Part III] VEDIC STUDIES: 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 229

I I I

indrasyangirasam cestau
ill I

vidat sarama tanayaya dhasimj

I • . ' ' . . I <

brhaspatir bhinad adrim vidad gah

I I I

sam usriyabhir vaavasanta narah||

I III I I .1
sa sustubha sa stubha sapta vipraih
II III

svarenadrim svaryo navagvaih|

I . I .

saranyubhih phaligam indra sakra
valam ravena darayo dasagvaih||

II . I

grnano angirobhir dasma vi var

II I . I
usasa suryena gobhir andhah]

i I * I

vi bhumya aprathaya indra sanu

I I I

divo raja uparam astabhayah[|

I I I

tad u prayaksatamam asya karma
dasmasya carutamam asti damsah|

III I

upahvare yad upara apinvan

I H , I

madhvarnaso nadyas catasrah||

,11 III

dvita vi vavre sanaja sanije

' ‘ .1
ayasyah stavamanebhir arkaih]

III I II
bhago na mene parame vyomann

I - I I

adharayad rodasi sudamsah||

“Offer great homage, saman fit to be sung, to the great, mighty
(Jndra), with w'.iom our ancient fathers, the Angirases, know-
ing words and singing, won the cows.

“In the search of Indra and the Angirases, Sarama found
food for the progeny. Brhaspati rent the mountain and found
the CO > ; the men roared with the cows.

“i’.\ means of the loud roar, he (sc. Indra), with the seven
bards, the Navagvas, (found) the cows by means of a shout.
O mig ' y Indra, with the Saranyus and Dasagvas, thou didst,
by me 11)5 of a shout, rend the cave of quartz.

230 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

^‘Singing with the Angirases, O thou with magic power,
thou didst open the dark (cave, and set free) the Dawn, the
sun, and the cows. Thou, O Indra, didst extend the plain of
the earth, and make fast the upper world of the sky.

“That is his most praiseworthy deed, that the most beauti-
ful miracle, of the possessor of magic power, namely, that he
caused the four upper rivers which were flowing with honey,
to swell in their (prison) fortress.

“Ayasya, with songs of praise, did again discover the two
ancient ones that have the same nest. He, the possessor of
magic power, supported the earth and the sky in the highest
heaven, in the same way as a rich person supports his two
wives”.

Hymn 1, 62 is addressed to Indra, and the above verses
describe his rending of the mountain, and the freeing of the
cows, etc., in company with the Angirases, Sarama, and
Brhaspati.

padajiidh, in verse 2, is explained as ‘knowers of the path’
by Sayani, Geld.ver, and others, an explanation which also fits

the context here. Similarly, Sayana explains isti, in verse 3, as
presand, and relates a story according to which, Indra sent the
divine dog Sarama to find out the place where the cows were
hidden, promising her that, in return, he would give the milk of
the cows to her progeny. Sayana and Geldner therefore inier-

I

pret the word tanaydya in v. 3b as referring to the progeny of
Sarama. It seems to me better however to understand the
word as referring to the progeny of Manu, that is, to the tribes
of men; compare 1, 72, 8 explained above. Compare also 1, 96,

II I . I I I I

4 ; sa mdtarisvd puruvdrapustir vidad gdtunt tanaydya svarvit
where tanaydya refers (as pointed out by Geldner in his note in

I . I

(KV, Ueber.) to manundm prajdh (i.e., men) mentioned in the

' • . I , , 11 I

preceding verse but one, sa purvayd ntvidd kavyatdyor imdh

. I . I

prajd ajanayan manundm.

I

narah, in pada d, refers to the Angirases ; regarding the

II I

expression sam usriydbhir vdvasanta narah, see the explanation
of 4, 3, 11 given above.

Part III] VEDIC STUDIES:!. THE ACT OF TRUTH 231
In verse 4, Geldner supplies, on the analogy of 4, 50, 5,

i

the word ganena after the word sustubhd. This sus tup gana, ac-
cording to him, consistsof (1) the seven bards, (2) the Navagvas

(3)Saranyus, and (4) the Dasagvas; and the synonyms stubhd,

III. I

svarena and ravena in padas abd, as also the synonyms adrim,

phaligam and valam are construed by him, respectively with
one each of the instrumental plurals. He thus translates the
verse as: “Du sprenglest mit der schmetternden (Schar), du
unter schmelterndem Ton mit den sieben Redegewaltigen, laut
mit lauter Stimme (im Bunde)mit den Navagva’s den Pels, mit

den Saranyu’s den Phaliga, O machtiger Indra, unlea Geschrei
den Vala (im Bunde) mit den Dasagva’s”. All this appears

unconvincing, especially, since phaliga is not a proper name as
Geldner thinks, but signifies *sphahka, rock crystal or quartz'
(see Indian Ant", LVl, p. 136 if.)

I

In verse 5, grndnah is regarded (by Sayana, Geldner and
others) as having a passive sense, and equivalent to stuyam&iia.

Now it is quite true that the expression ahgirobhir grndnah
does signify in many verses, ‘being praised by the Ahgirases;
but grndnah, in form, is an active participle, and the active
meaning, ‘praising with the Ahgirases’, it must be noted, suits
the context here.

upahvara, in y&vst6, signifies *durga, fatness, (prison)
fortress’, and upahvare apinvat ‘caused to swell in the fortress’
seems to be equivalent to ‘caused to overflow the bounds of the
fortress ; released from prison’.

In verse 7, stavamdnebhih seems to be used for stavamdnah,
and the instrumental plural seems to be due to the proximity of

the w’ord arkaih. Or, should we supply a world like naraih
(this is what Sayana does), or etc., after it, and

translate, “By means of chants, Ayasya, with the praising
Ahgirases, discovered again the two ancient ones that have the
same nest” ? The ‘two ancient ones’ are rodast, earth and sky,
mentioned in pada d ; and Ayasya, is probably identical with
Brliaspati (see Geldner’s note in RV. Ueber.).

The comparison in pada c is not very clear : the meaning of
padas cd seems to lie, ‘He maintained earth and sky in the

XIV~3ti

232 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

highest heaven, as a rich man maintains his two wives in the
highest state of comfort*.

Vavasanta (v. 3d), stubha, svarena and ravena {v. 4),
grndnah (v. 5a), and stavamdnehhir arkaih (v. 7) all refer to
the utterance of spells of truth.

It will be noted that these verses mention, in connection
with the Vala myth, not only the rending of the mountain and
the freeing of the cows. Dawn, sun and rivers, but also the
making fast of the earth and the sky.

1^11 I

(37) 4, 16, 6: visvani sakro naryani vidvan

apo rireca sakhibhir nikamaihj

asmanatn cid ye bibhidur vacobbir

vrajam gomantam usijo vi vavruhj |

“The mighty (Indra) who knows all (acts) of men emptied
the Waters with his loving companions, the Usijs, who split
even the rock by means of their spells and opened the stalls
containing cows".

Concerning the epithet naryani vidvan, compare 7, 21, 4:
II I I *

bhimo vivesayudhebhir esam apamsi visva naryani vidvan |
1,11 I ' » ' I I

indrah puro jarhrsano vi dudhod vi vajrahasto mahina jaghana

“The terrible one, who knows all the acts of these (men),
accomplished them with his weapons. Indra hurls away the
fortresses (of the enemies) with joy; with Vajra in his hand,
he struck with might".

The ‘loving companions’ are the Ahgirases, and their
‘spells’, spells of truth.

I I

(38) 6, 65, 5 : ida hi ta uso adrisano

I I ' I I

.gotra gavam ahgiraso grnanti]

1 1 ♦ I

vy arkena bibhidur brahmana ca
I t , , , , •

satya nrnam abhavad devahutih||

“Here, O Usas resting on the back of the mountain, the
Ahgirases sung (towards) the mountains containing the cows;
they have, by means of a spell, a magic formula, split them
open. The men’s invocation of the gods has borne fruit".

Part III] VEDIC STUDIES: I. THE ACT OF TRUTH 233

I I I I .

Regarding gotrd grnanti, compare the expression brhaspatir
I I * ‘ I ' I

abhikanikradad gah in 10, 67, 3 explained above, grnanti, arkena

brahmana all refer to the spells of truth employed by the
Ahgirases.

Hymn 6, 6S is addressed to Usas, and the poet’s mention
of her in this verse with the Ahgirases indicates that she too
was associated with them in the rending of the mountain-fort
and the freeing of the cows. etc. See in this connection the
observations under 7, 75, 7 explained below.

Ill I

(39) 32, 3-4: sa matara suryena kavinam

I < I . - ' ,

avasayad rujad adnm grnanahj

I . I , I

svadhibhir rkvabhir vavasana
I I . . I

ud usriyanam asrjan nidanamU

II I I ,

sa vahnibhir rkvabhir gosu sasvan

I ' I

mitajnubhih purukrtva jigayaj
I II.'. - *

purah puroha sakhibhih sakhiyan

I * 1^ ^ I

drjha ruroja kavibhih kavih sanj)

“For the sake of the poets, he (sc. Indra), chanting, made
the sun shine on the two parents (i.e., earth and sky) (after)
he rent the mountain. With the pure-minded singing ones, he,
roaring, unloosed the bonds of the cows.

“ He, the doer of many deeds, conquered with the priests
who were singing towards the cows and often bent their knees.
Desiring friendship, with the friends, a poet, with the poets, and
destroyer of forts, he shattered the solid forts.”

I follow Sayana in interpreting kavinam, in verse 2a, as

kavln&m arthaya. GraSSMann construes it with maiard and
translates as ‘the parents of the wise god’, while Ludwig trans-
lates ‘he, among the wise ones, that is, the Ahgiras among the
wise ones.’

The epithets kavinam, svSdhtbhir rkvabhih in verse 2, and

vahnibhir rkvabhih, sakhibhih and kavibhih in v. 3 all refer to
the Ahgirases and their utterance of spells of truth, while the

words grndnah, vdvaidnah in v. 2, and kavih in v. 3 refer
Indra’s utterance of such spells.

234 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

(40) 10, 112, 8-9: pra ta indra p urvyani pra nunarn

virya vocam prathama krtanij

satlnamanyur asrathayo adrim

suvedanam akrnor brahmane gam|[

• t

ni su sida ganapate ganesu

I I I

tvam ahur vipratamam kavinaml

I « I , . I ' I

na rte tvat kriyate kim canare

II I

maham arkam maghavan citram arca||

“I have praised, O Indra, thy ancient valiant deeds and those
of recent times, and the deeds performed formerly. Having
(i.e., employing) spells of truth, thou didst shatter the moun-
tain and madest the cow easily attainable to the priest.

•‘Sit with the troop, O master of the troop; they call thee
the most inspired among the poets. Without thee, nothing is
done (even) at a distance. Sing, O bountiful giver, the great
beautiful song”.

. II I

In verse 8, virya nUnam means ‘the valiant deeds perfor-
med by thee in recent times'. sathiamanyuh=satya-mantrah,

employer of spells of truth. In pada d, brahmane and gdm are
both used with the force of the plural {jatav ckavacanam) and
refer respectively to the Ahgirases and the cows imprisoned in
the mountain.

In verse 9, the ‘troop’ is the troop of the Ahgirases, and
vipratamam kavindm is synonymous with ahgirasdm angtrasta-

mam. In d, arka refers to the spell of truth (cp. satlna-
manyuh of the preceding verse) employed by Indra.

' _ . I I

(41) 10, 47, 4: sanadvajarn vipravirarn tarutrarn

1,^1

dhanasprtain susuvainsani sudaksamj

I I ’ ’

dasyuhanain purbhidam indra satyam

asmabhyarn citrarn vrsanarn rayim dahjj
“(We know thee as) the winner of booty, sung by priests,
conqueror, winner of prizes, strong, highly skilled, destroyer of
demons, shatterer of forts, performer of acts of truth, O Indra,
Confer on us wealth that is beautiful and excellent”.

Part III VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 235

Pada d is the refrain that occurs at the end of all the

verses of this hymn. Sayana and Ludwig construe the
1 ' .1 .

epithets in abc (sanadvafam etc.) with raytm in d, and make
one sentence of the verse. It seems to me however that it is

hardly likely that dasyuhanam and purhhidam can be epithets of

rayim; and I therefore supply here the words vidmh hi tvd
from V. 1 of this hymn, in the same way as Sayana has done in

the case of v. 2. 5 a/yam= speaker of (spells of) truth, or per-
former of (acts of) truth; compare Sayana’s explanation
satyam satya-karmanam. The proximity of the word dasyu-

hanam and purhhidam shows that the reference is to the spells
of truth employed by Indra for shattering the forts of Vala,
Sambara and other demons, and for destroying them.

I I I

( (42) 3, 39, 4-5 : nakir esani nindita martyesu

ye asmakam pitaro gosu yodhah|

I I I

indra esam drmhita mahinavan

I I .1

ud gotrani sasrje damsanavan|j

I II I

sakha ha yatra sakhibhir navagvair

. ' • . ' •
abhijnva satvabhir ga anugmanj

satyam tad indro dasabhir dasagvaih

I I . I ’

suryarn viveda tamasi ksiyantam||

“None among the mortals blames our fathers who became
fighters for the sake of the cows. For their sake, the mighty
Indra, possessor of magic power, freed (the cows imprisoned
in) the solid mountains.

*<When the friend with the friends, Navagvas, as soldiers,
went on knees after the cows, Indra found— that was an act of
truth— with the ten Dasagvas the sun staying in the dark
(cave).”

In V. 5c, satyam tat is clearly parenthetical and is so
regarded by Grassman^v, Ludwig and Geldner who translate
it as ‘this is true’. Since we know that Indra’s release of the
cows and of the sun was due to the spells of truth pronounced
by him, it seems preferable to translate the expression here as

236 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

‘that was an act of truth’, that is, ‘that was the result of thy act
of truth'. Compare 4, 22, 6 explained below.

II I . I,

(43) 4, 22, 6: ta tu te satya tuvinrmna visva

pra dhenavah sisrate vrsna uahnah|

I I . _ I

adha ha tvad vrsamano bhiyanah

II .1 ,

pra sindhavo javasa cakramanta|)

“All these are (thy) acts of truth, O thou most valiant; the
milch-cows come forth from the udder of the bull. Being then
afraid of thee, O thou with excellent spells, the rivers sped
away quickly”.

‘From the udder of the bull’ = ‘from within the imprisoning
mountain’, manas, in vrsamanas, signihes ‘spell (of truth)’.

II II

(44-) 4, 28, 5 : eva satyam maghavana yuvarn tad

I II, i

indras ca somorvam asvyarn goh]

I I . I ,

adardrtam apihitany asna

I I ^ , _ I

riricathuh ksas cit tatrdana|j

“Thus was that act of truth, O ye two bountiful givers, when
you, O Soma, and Indra shattered the caves of the horses and
cows that had been closed with a stone, and emptied them,
breaking up the earths”

(To be continued)

THE CONCEPT OF KEYNOTE IN THE TAITTIRIY'A
PRATISAKHYA

BY

C. R. Sank ARAN,

Poona.

{Continued frontpage 89 Vol. XIV)

The seven notes that form a saptaka, or ‘cluster of seven’
in Saman music go by the following names krusta, prathama,
Dvitiya, trtiya, caturtha, mandra and atisvdrya.

(Taittiriya Pratisakhya xxiii, 12.)
[For the ordinary names of the seven notes of the Indian
scale, or svaras, see Jones, “On the Musical Modes of the
Hindu,’’ Asiatic Researches., Vol. iii, p. 68, Weber’s Indischen
StLidien, Das Chandassutram des Pingala Vol. viii, 259.]

(Rk Pratisakhya XIII, 44) Benares Sanskrit Series).
Uvata’s comment on it is as follows: —

qKdsqi; ||

[Cf. Muller’s Rk Pratisakhya, p. cclxxii. Note that according
to Uvata, the reading is krusta, and not krsta which reading we
find in the Taittiriya Pratisakhya, xxiii, 14.

fs^qqqqfisi^q anf f?qi?q<i:

(Whitney’s edition) Muller, l.c., p, cclxxiii, gives another read-
ing kusta also.]

There can be no two opinion on the fact that the Saman
scale was a downward series which is the characteristic of all
primitive music (cf. Music through the Ages by Marion Bauer
and Ethel R. Peyser, chapter II, Music of Primitive Man, p. 9.)

srei^q: ?ft=qwqFcr

238 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

[Quoted in Lakshmana Srauti's edition of Samaveda
Samhita Veyagana Samasvaranirnayah page 1. A manuscript of
Samatantra is available in the Government Oriental Manuscript
Library Madras. Vide also Burnell's Catalogue of a collection
of Sanskrit Manuscripts Part I, Vedic Manuscripts, page 40.]

•a^iq«q i§:Hiq?q ij^iq^q =q \\

q;05^qR =qgq?q |

aifd^R^q 5ftq?q sfe^qR fq^^Tiq^ II

(Narada Siksa I, 7, verses 1 and 2.)

[The same stanzas occur in a corrupt form in Bharata-
bhasya also, page 16,]

Now the question is to what svaras of the secular scale do
krusta, etc., correspond. We find the following verses in the
Narada Siksa which attempt to answer this question.

q: ^iiqqRr qqq: b i

^ fealq: b qi^: g^iqtcfqq: ||

=qgqq|5 ?9?if : nqg; i

qeli^qi^ Rirq: BBm bib: ii

(Vide Narada Siksa I, 5, verses 1 and 2.)

From the above quoted verses, it is clear that qqq,

feftq, and correspond respectively to

q, q, q, ft, q, q, ftr in the language of modern notations (Does

the order of svaras qqqft ^rqR indicate that there was
in the Saman mode of singing?).

In this connection it has to be remembered that the gayatri-
gana which is the most important in the sama-chant begins with
the Madhyama note [“All the samans of the morning service
were to be sung in the gayatra-melody, and this may be taken to be
known. The Vedic student begins with this melody, composed in
the Savitri metre (Tat Savitur Varenyam etc), and it is imparted
in the Devatadhyaya Brahmana, while it is found as appendix to
the edition of the grama-geyagana (among the Jaiminiyas after
the Aranyagana) "VideW. Caland. De Wording Van den Sama
Veda Verslagen en Mededeelingen Der Koninklijke Akademic
Van Wetenschappen. Afdeeling Letter kundc Vier de Reeks

Part 111]

THE CONCEPT OF KEYNOTE

239

Ncgende Deel. Amsterdam johannes Muller (1909) page 5.
See the English translation of this article by I’rof. K. Nila-
kantha Sastri in J. O. R. M. Vol. IX Pt. iv, page 298. Vide also
p. 5 of Indische Forschungen 2 Heft Die jairniniya Samhita

miteiner Einleitung uber die Sama Veda literatur Von Dr.
W. Caland (1907).] Commenting on the following verse of the
Bharata Natya Sastra (Kavyamala edition chapter 30, verse 2,
p. 329.)

mu i

Abhinavagupta says in his Abhinava Bharati

?r 3^: cT«?ijq

ri II

(Abhinava Bharati) Paper Manuscript in Devanagari Script
R 2774 I. 33-13 llx9j V^olume4, page 60. The whole passsage
is corrupt) What precedes this is the following: —

cI5r (4?r) *15r[^ |

?^alq(:) IScfR'acT ^ ^

^ B) BmB qp^TK: f| ciST I

— q: (af) smm b

Evidently is a corruption and Mr. Ramakrishna

Kavi suggests tome the following reading. The readings of the
manuscript in his possession vary from the readings of the
manuscript in the Govt. Oriental Manuscript Library, Madras.

The meaning now is clear. If any one asks why Abhina-
gupta speaks of the only and not of the

answer is : —

“It is only What applies to can equally

apply to for and have four srutis for each

(although the ancient saman music knew no By say-
ing can also be implied.’* (In this connection it is

~~ ' " ' I i—i I II 1^

1. The readings put here within brackets are those suggested
by Dr. V. Raghavan and Mr. P. S Sundaratn Aiyar of Tanjore.

XIV-31

240 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

good to remember that is sung in and in

and in i^ sung, while is sung in all

the three ^l^^s).]

Mr. M. S. Ramaswami Iyer formerly thoughti that there
is a slip or misprint in the last of the two stanzas beginning
with etc. He would have them read as follows:

'^crat | q

flHfl: qa>l: I

(Introduction to Somanath’s Ragavibodha page 30. In
fact, in the Bharatabhasya itself we read ^cFI

page 22) He takes also the line ^^r^^JTR^ JF4JI:
to mean ^St 5F*HT; etc., and not ?FR*TRT

€ the latter interpretation seems to me obvio-

usly a more natural and straightforward one (See Mr. Sankara-
narayanan’s article in the cultural supplement of Dharmarajya
2nd June 1934. Also Madras Music Academy Journal, Vol. IV
p. 150 ff.)

Perhaps Mr. M. S. Ramaswamy Iyer has been led to this
view by what Mr. H. A. Popley says on page 30 of the Music
of India. But Mr. Popley does not furnish us definite data for
his equation of kriista, etc., with Madhyama^ etc.

On the other hand, my interpretation seems to gain
additional strength by the following bit in Qf

— fg: im:

(Vide Usa edition of Narada Siksa page 397).

[See also the following:—

1(5^3 qsgqRqi^RI Narada Sik.sa. Com-

mentary. Benares Sanskrit Series, page 410.]

In fact, there seems to be no possibility of shaking the
conclusion I have reached in view of the following stanzas of
the Narada Siksa too

3{^g(^raq fgisaji aqq; w: |

g II

1, Since writing this paper I have come to know that he has
changed this view.

Part III]

THE CONCEPT OF KEYNOTE

241

3{5riftT.iqr I

Naraua Siksa. I, 7, verses 3 and 4.

In the above verses, the practice of Kauthuna-Sdma Vedin
in the mater of the movements of the lingers to in licate the
notes of the Saman, is described. To mark the notes in the way
mentioned in this verse, the fingers must be bent slightly
towards the thumb, which is made to touch t’le part indicated
as each note is uttered.

A string of similar verses occuring in Isabapati’s Dharatia-
laksana (quoted by Burnell in his introduction to the jaiminlya
text of Arseyabrdhniana, page XV) if rightly understood only
goes to support my view. The verses in question describe the
i^r?ici[ct of Jaiminty a Sdma Vedin in the mater of the movements
of the fingers to indicate the notes of the Saman. The verses
read : —

Now to fix correctly the svaras in ^r*T*TIiT with reference to
we have to take into consideration the following verses
from the Narada Siksa : —

{To he continued)

1. The metre in the last pada is defective. The correct

reading would be |

2. Evidently there is corruption here. My friend Dr. W.
Raghavan reconstructs the line thus: —

i( (I

BV

R. S. Venkatarama Sastri, m.a.,

{The Madras Sanskrit College, Mylapore)

“crifq^o^cT^fcq^ cT^^ar g:tRsrg^fii:%

amsfg eaa ii

3?f qiisq^^ eqif^:q^ q;^5qi®q^ I

fk ^RaqqVq?qi% i a^T^qf^g^: —
gr^^qa feqiq aegqf Rf^q .

q^l=q> ^ iq^r fag^rqiasqq, i
al?ei[^ q^qq q^qtv^qiq:
q%a^ fqfe'^^(qq^gqi/q: II

aqii^^j q^(qai q;^qia; q;f5q^i%q?qi5qia, a^qaqfa

=q, qa qiaar a?^Rqaaaa. i aiiqi^q: q^f^a; qrfqqqi% i qi =q
^[q^q qrs^qiqq^, <q<jftqqqaiqa , a^sq^q^fi^qqq^, a;%?q^gi%-
a^^q:, grq^qfq a^a^qfqqqi'aiqq qfeqraqfa, %q qiaar, qqi
q^isfq q^rqfi^jwr ^qsq^rfa ii

^aaq^qga ft #q:q, ^^iqfqqa^aqiftaq^ ;

‘ft^fqj^i-qqfqqiftaa! ^m^^qrqg: i ag #^q aia qftqii%'

|q^ftaa,^qqq|jaL;qja(aq ^qiftiqqqaqi g&a?q(iaqft =aq;fq:,
qi=qia!, ‘qqqq^^qqiqq^*^^^, i^qqift i a^ qi^qa^aala a^q q;q

Substance of a Sanskrit lecture delivered under the auspices
of the Madras Samskrta Academy on the Sri Muka Kavi Day,
(Mahasivaratrl) 24th February, 1941.

243

Part III] SRI MCKA KAVI BHAKTI SUSAMA

#'3[?TrfHOTTq4 ci?q

^ H|g qiisq 3I5^q^qqiJi; 11

3ii4T5irci% 3n9nJ5ftg:flig[q^^^q qjKtiqqi^i-

q^^q’^qqI^iqqi^% q;iq41[«q# q^i%qqirii^ifeq5i#rqi^q;Ti%q-
qi^nqqq;if% aiiq^^q q-q^ —

qiisfii^eT® q^iq^fteq^i i
sRiqq

qii^q'k^qqi^lq^W^cTi ii
aff^qni% qqqfqf

3i§^r q;<qi(q qi<oiiq5fofr: i
aqq^iqi^f

sr^fqqqRinqqlq^^ylqcTR, n
(3i^ir<i% g^P^iqiqq^^qq,)

ai^R^Kl^rqifOir^; |

'q(qq;n%

qn&^gcif qi^iq. ii

%qi:' ; q^qeqq qgSIlqqi^Jnqr^fiq^ j
qifeqf ^

fj=^RqcTqiii% q^iqq; i

*0

jq# qns^r

ci^q (q^qfqg& ^^iqi^^qiciq qqqipqft qiq qiq q^Rqi-
^cTcl: qciq^fMft ?[^qipT gqi^^q,

^ftqjiqiajiqw^^ ci^ Hsr ^nqm qfiqiiq: i eifqq^ %qRiq-
^ifSqro^i^ , ^^qei^^Riqjiqf qf iqi^ftqiq:, ciq qiqqf ^i^qrqf

244 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

1 ^ #?q «qiq

I ft I c^cSIJ^r 3

^^in^Roff ^Isq^q^ffESIcft | ^ft^5T —

i^?qi ^?qi qftRf \ sfjf ^

H^r i¥^\^ eqft sr^cT i■^Rqr|^^qq-c^'^II |

^lofr^F ?Fftft HI3. (I

^q-q[ = ^I%j qjfqfj 3r^gq|ft qiqg^, 'I-qf = ^^^cTF, aifl^q

ft|?[ qft:, q TO, I ^\\% ! sT^cif ? 3n%^

I 51 qjift qq qF^fS^R^JIiqi^ftTOg^ I 3fcT: qioft^olt
i^95fwr^r^r Riqi iiftft qf i^ciig: i

3^f^l^?Tii^5iFirftq^ qrRq^ie: sqqtftj ^q(^q[ ,

3Rf.* ?fift?n 3rqc^r m

! iTq?qSTSJJ5r;?T q^sft q^ftqcT-

¥iqcqf^?3r ^ si^lf ^51*^ I
S[iajmir%qiqi3Ctq^^^I5T^JI %^K\

^qig; li

^ ! q52[fJqcT3qTOi^?qTOi: TOajF: qRqq; qcFpcI, qjT^f

qaj^ 5FiF'^ ^^^rgl%:, STTOl^^ft q? l qi^q^*q^ q^r-

qiftqi^gqqiJi 3irqi: ! ^m\, arpqq^iqr 3?q^R[R arforqift-

f^(«r 4fq^Riq; fq qrftftiq; fq =q ?qFft, qjiqiq^q: q?

flq^FqcT: | aiq 3 ^: qRfjq:, qq 3i»q( ^rii^iRr

qJT^q^er ftsf ^qq 1 qqr fq^qq^, qqi qi ?lXq;q?f^^F
qiqqiqq: sil^q^SFgg qqft, q qqi ?^qFq^: qqi^qFq<oi
3!d qfiqjftqRjQqqi ! n

q;^q53 q^^eqfq^ ift qil^ir:, qq ^ 3ffqq<?irqRof!

qsftqS^^K^ —

Part III] SRI MuKA KAVl BHAKTI SUSAMA

245

arrfwf: aRI^qri^^Iiq
»?ra^ aSqq'aflRcqi^sr cl^qr:
qR?i^ q?T: cq =q qRicf^^iq

^ ^qqq f^qqq ^

ci^cqq q;[q: | 3fcTi^q =q q;(qf ^(qcf q??qq5^qi: «qiqq«iqpqq

^»qRifqqW9f^r: qrq^: qflsq^r
3»T:pqi=qf qil%iTqfqi'^^?qWqq'cf[ I
^jqr^afjTr qfqqoi^f mzh Riqq^'r
q;»qi^R qiiqqi?q^ q^q^wi ||

^ cfq crq qjRqftiQqltq ‘q.fqf^|q^f q;5qq^», ‘qjf^qqf
qRq^ftqiS ‘«tqi?l:qqiiqcqq§3rq^f» ‘qjrqqg: q^iqiq^’, f^qqi^
qqf^f I

^^qqqRi: q^feqjRq —

qipa: =q^^qRcT q'qRq%: giRcT

qn'fqi q?^!^ qqT»pfqSqt?qqr qf^qq^ i
WT^Rqqp^^ fq^cfr qi^qnqspq^q^
qii3^q«qqfiqfqi^5rq^ qjfi^cfqiq?-^^ D

q;»qiqCf^i^5 ^iqaqi^i ^i^qincrsrqcTh

qqqq^qi i qi^qiojqq q;^ I ^ qqrg qqw^

#^icqiqq^qfq I ?qqi %q q;»qiqj f I =q

^ qrf^qi I ^rq?q^'r gq^q q^^qiq^pq^q^fq sqf^^^lrq: |
^ eiqqi: qffqqg?^^—

?qiqi qji^q Rgqq, goqifqqwiqq

#qi^q>i^?qq§5R5fj qr q;i(q q^tqM^ I

246 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

3pq5r —

^.iHi^r: S5:q b \ ^ R^eiqT^Cr |)

aiRqqif ^ 3n%5!l =q ^qR^qqsT

gcpTJl^ I 3i(^qiiqqiq 3f?qq q^fqcliqfiffqqgf^fr, 3fq^5r

qrqq^pqq qi=qqfvi3T(cTmi^^qi: —
q^^qs^qiq^fqcT-

^^q^cigqwllcqiosqig- |

iq^q;® ^q^qi, II

fqRpq f^iq-cT^ q;qq: 9ffq5q^q[^f ft

\ ^qi%qi5r —

^>oT cT^rq^5%q
qqn?q^iqiqfi5ricTqn% i
ajcqrqggi qft^^sgjl

^Ji3fScF5rn?q cTf^q^ri n

^5 t

qqf;2qft ql?^i%??5Pcf^H5T | aqqiqi gcqr

^cE %g^—qiqTqqio^q , €u%^iRfq

ftcF^I ^ti^ijf^^cE^qqwi — B 3 qr^q^f — q?^^imq

3SI B\, 3pq3ET, ift I JJ^qiqUJfl %q ggg-
^Icqq I 3»iqrqi: qi=q(q3[?^TqT ff^qi ^\ q^gq;i^sq qift:, Bm
qi^qq^l^:, mm ^ q§iqft — 3ijq I m

ftprfft, q^ fq*qq5^ ^»q^lRoir I f^qqq ?

Part 111] SRI MQKA KAVI BHAKTI SUSAMA

247

^4; JiCrg^w:,

»iiq: 311, ctq e*flq q^i sn^rniq^ q;^q3^^qi=3i5qgi-

q^^qi, m qi=qr «?Tqi, ‘t'cT ! 1%^ ^^\ ; ^q^sq qq:n%q;
qfeqqii^'h %m iqjoiqgfqqR^cT qfqqi^qq^,

Rqcqi e:, ‘qi|: qfqicqq qqg iqqqqift^ qcM
fq»qq;^ RR^I'liq I ^aqqRqfq gq;: q;^ ?qo¥[qg, qiqg;
3Z§IR nfeiq qifeq; # q-qq^q qql^q: I 3TcT %t fq^qqj^q,!
g^ncii 3fiqiqr qi^B, qc^%qiicTRfp5eftoT qjqqfq^jq
^isfq cTifqq'cTqi iq|| qq q®q ^iq ^rq ?^qRq(

^fqaqqi^ qqqfq i^fef^q I qq jq: q^q^,

fm 3Tq?qi q(=q:, qcqSqiiqf: q^(q, ^iqoqqj^q ^^q^q^q =q
#'q:q'£qfq:, sf^crq^ q-qqqqiq'q^i^r^ ^re'^q^R^qqiT?, qi^q^^'f
f| q*q^ ?irr-q;qiq;fqqfegqqiq (|

q^ eqfq^ %q5['qqq< ?Ts^{%qfqq m qf^qqq, arfq^^jqg-
qien^^!iqo]q ? aiq qrs^f^qfqfq q; qi e^q^qq: ? qq qjq^
^<qq;Rqi|iq^qiqiq; qlq HRqqr ^5iff«qq, qq =q qiqs^^Rgi
q5'qi^^qq^(i^»q<qi^'R^^ ^f<!5q?3'i;qq, qq ft ^i^isq

qoq^ I qiqi^i^q ft ^qsiqq'rqi^^qi^'^q, ^s^iqiq^Ri:

^q^-^qiqjqq(q5fqqiqq«ii ^iqiqq'^qiqcrqqiqi, ^q%ft[q%
q^q^q fq i 3f%qqi ft ^s^igqqr 3’«qift . ciq ft; finqqtq,?
3rq '^q =qiq qijqiiqi qqqqqfq ; qliqsrq^ =q qiisqg^qR^r.
9iqq;i: qiisqin: i s^cqlq: qq^ qi qi qr, ^^-€\ mm, q ftqiqq i

(sftftqqiq =q q;i®qq^Piteraturc of power, s^cqirfqqiq =q Literature

of Knowledge fft 5qqft^^ qi^[9?g(0qiq:) «fiqsq?iq?qqotq

qisrr% ^'g^^u ffq sjgqqq^Fg^r^ qiqqqqfqiri:,

sftfqqqiq q;i5q^4 eJfqqiq^q^q'lft I 31^ %qiq qqif'qqg^^Ts^ftrq-
qilsqqfiqcRIoirq, | ?TS?iqgift^ =q
^i*qrar, ^qq^iqq qqtscqftsR qi^qiq q^

q^iqjr sift mz^j\ ’q i«^Pq-—

24S JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

^ wmh

??(w;[sti3wif^^ ! e5!%:

cTiq^II%!^«?q f#i^[q ! \\

^ ?r.I5q^f^:^ qi^^FlIq: qs^qif^fq I

flisqj^qq =q ^rq^^qf q^%^,q Hfefq cf^qq^q^qiq;, anqqifq
iq^f«?iqiql»qqil53cqi%q^, 3l(»qq;iqi%J *q I Iqgssqiqqqq q?R^q,—

'^'TJ mm gq;^qqcTiq''i3^

'^q^i^iql^^^q^qqKqicifqr i
cI12^l?pqiqqq^-qi qi5rq;ofq^5Tr

^i^oq?fl[^qi%cT?=q[ cnqB'i mm qi^i ll

q;q &9^%^§'q(r aiq^r «qiq§^qi 5rq^l¥(qqiqi%

BIB *TR<jj ^ sRqicTtqq^g?

m^ I ^cTi^irq^ ^^m qq q^iH^i, fqfti«qiqfecT#; —

^c?jq^t(rgq«fll: ii

B 5q»g: • 3rqq%?gq^fq'r ?I»3cq(qq |

NO

3iTqqe®fqei?«i(«Jr«5*i; ii
3%cTqi^0T9qfs^-

fe^iq Wxfm^ I
fqqift^lsjqqq^ II

‘fqq!fe^>?iT^’, ‘?i^'m'oTf;q[i'crqJ, ‘3qqqe^iqe?qiqi«fji’, ‘q<-
mm q>qfeq% ? ^frfq^nsft^rar b

249

Part HI] SRI MuKA KAVI BHAKTI SUSAMA

I fsricqg.

H?qji5fl^ai ^5^cT¥ii^iRifi^Mr fr?r: e9€i%ci3T%55^-

=^l;Crf^ —

eqfq ^^ fq{f ! *I!T^

srifr^r^i^ ! ^rr^qi m

^5Tf^ ! fiR ! ^R^uii ii

*5f[i%cipcT?ff;’ q%3?^rr-mRf^ sT'^cTi’^qRq^Sr
q^j?Jir|^?Fsq q;ft: 5g[fRqfq%55q[®q^ ? qnsqeiqr^^ ?cT?r-
5iqqRcT*qiftfis^i aiqi^ciqig^^ ^ I a’^q^tsfq qi

5s^[ sqpqgiq: I r%qtiqf^: K: qi^qisfq ^s'eimqff^ ?

S^^qjrTpqiqcqiir^iqnq —

®^^r«rq[fq q;i%qrrq: i
WKilqcr^fe^Fciq^ II

3ff K-^T>l5Tq;faTr>^'^; |

3fiqq;ii%

3f^^f qin%^|erf qn^iq; n
^qi ^qisiq r^-

^ifiefiqR^l^q i

II

3oqr qiisiq

3iteiq?-^q^*q^[ qjqj i
sfeqqCi qpqiqi;

3^qq^ 3^qjR^f^^ II

qiiq^clR ^ qlfq^ q 3 qiiqq^rq^Jl^, ‘RR^(|q^li|%fq=qqp

fl e, q 5 jpqqiRi q^qfe, q^iq^q^cpqi If ^jr, ^ ^

250 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

513 f =1

g q[< I f| k: §^1%^:, ^er:

fJTR^Fi^qjir ^ fo^r^T^rpcT i 3?^qq

g%cTe: ^ftr

ft WK: q^T 3Rft^

qiftl^qjL I ^ ft^^^iRgoi goqq^ I

<?cTr?^offrqr R^sRq^r^ifqi: 3iftiqF?il^q?^ , ftf^r’^q

qfticq ftq^qcT fft ciipqqicTgsrr: ^RfARqj^q^riq: I

— 3ltq

RclR(ft5TS??iqft%q ggc^I ? cTc«q qft flqftf, ft

3ifcTftqra;, ^qpciq^ I qft Pr®^^'cTfHi: !

q^ir%qiqr ^sanwrftq, ^iqqq^ig-i j 3i[q =q jqi: ! ^\ qg^iqqqr
3ipqq;rgi%^ft ^qqfts^crr giq^^nRlft

ftftiq^ qr ? 3iiccrcTqi i

‘iTqi% ^[^qsft qgft^'qft^Rqr: imu^ I

ft qftlcq^t^^'^q qft^sqq^ff^^lP^qifq ^qR^q qqicq-a^JL I
siRiqq R I ^ m\-

qjftqi %?ii^ ‘3fR-^qcqj^^3qtq^q ^jPr: qi%^q
‘Rq^^?I^[q533T^FqcqRfPcT ^fft^iqq I ^ ft ^ift^-

TOqq ^g^er qR fti&q;, ^iRi^qi^ II

gfft?Rqlq%3 3iPqqiR>^i ^qiiR^ I a^gR^qq,
qiq^r: q;qq: %q5=q q^qi%, sfci i^q Ri^crqpiiiqrq^

%cRfl^qi% I 3iq 3 %q-qq%qqRRiq qfqi Rcrqq^cTJfrfR
%cT'qr%qqg»^qq qq^q^q R^Sjq^^ 3 t?ci^: aj^qqsqifrqi Rc^qift
q Rft q^qpq^: I q =q qc^qift ggift q^q ^

f/q^qi^q

^q

qi^ cfqq^oiq^^q^Pr i
Riot R'^Rlft

qq?tftqn5r i|

251

Part 111] ^Rl MOKA KAVI BHAKTI SUSAMA

f^i'cicT: (qsf \

5Fifi^Rq5T(g?[qi eRiqqfegqqi I

cTliTf^qR ciq q-^^f53«'7

§q§qm m i

sqifo^Hi q;rfq q;i?^Rqqt

\m^\ m q;^qf^cWH^5n^ li

3T^^Rqi^=3q(%f ^ q?v|;qj3«q=

f^g<m ^fqoqqi'i aiq^fs, crRqq^ q?^f§q5qqr=R^qR^»qT
^'frqfr%;, fwa^^fcRi qr, eiq q'‘fqn%q[^=?^rqqq

sqrfoqfqf B\
qi^qfS^^iR^cig^ I
qif^*qR

q^qgtqi^i% qqf^ff qif^qjf ^i^rq^cfi i

V®

t^TKiq fqqi^qiR^ qs^S^^sreq^'f

fq^ei% ^iqi ^q q^i^oq^q^i: li

qif^(n?(^=f%i;<i%q^, %rTq;q^=q5Rifq^q^^, q«^#qiqft=qji5qq-
qi[^q?f=ci'qf qq^iq?#, ^rqq-cft=q^qiq^(qr|%-
^q^alf, fqq^^q5*#=qiqwq^3»^, t^iRiq=q55qirKi^^
q^ fq^ei% I

3i(^Rr^ ftqqrgqgiqiqq ^q^q^iqi
3fqiF^qqfif =q q^^q^f^q I
q:»qi^i> fqf<RrRf qjRt^: q>^i^r
q-qwjf qqqfqqqqi%qig»qqiq: ii

Rq^^f^Rr=3r5R(q^iaii qi^^qo^q,,

^«rq ’qicrq5Rr=qi[^i»^?i%, 3iTq»i^qft=s:q3^^[q?(qft,

3wq(^q=qfi^q:, qiq^ ,

q?qT#ft qqqfqqqql^qie'qqrqi f^^fqquqL — li

'^q ^Rqtciqi^q ‘‘^i fi% qqi qfif%g: m\,

«n%qirePq’q bih^ ^R?q^> «ffqqqj^r-

«nq^q fq^i^^iq qJf^ftl^ f^qif ^rq'r: i

252 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

‘ff ^ ^913-

, 3}|^ 3rtq?gTii: I

^o^?r: ^Fce^sR^i 31>f^^inq'lq%2 qlc^q^lqqi^ ‘qiqq B\H-
q^iiq^f sqiqr fq^^isr. f^iqq; I aiq gq: ?^'r-

qg:: q?jq^[r #?^qfi^f erqs^qq eq;^«q, e'lqi^ifqqil^qqT

qqmi% ??Xq;'7.iqql^gqRiq^^oqq^ I q^fq^q II

qi^q-g =q ^i?:qf: ?!flq;77^5R^^qq: i q^^iq^qjqr:
3i|qqiqqi i%qq i 3i?qo^#p^%qiiqft ^fiq^^fqqfegqqf g'qra'rtq
arqjFqq,! siFqqffqr: aiq^*^ qfqqftqq , qi2r% qrqR^

3n?(^qi|qq , q^qi^q^ qqfeqitqji , ^q q^i'^iqilqq^ , ^Rt-

tqq; , ^qi% eqq ^qi|q qi^qfq qtiqilq: ?Jiq7i?$q:

qifeRoq^^fqqqi^qigiq^q^ 1 3fft ^rqi^^q^^qisq q;fq: !

q<qil:qqf^K9?q q q;nq g^fuq: i iqqiqiqqqqiqg^B^:
qfe: ^i(qqq[%:, qseq^^qfqq elq^qqiq qi i%«qq ^ii ^Ji«iqi%;
3itqqi%fti% ^qg^j^q^R^cfrq^qq: ^I'l^Tf^Riq'igqiiqq:

^qpq^qRq: | fqg^qqFqiqq^ —

f^qiq qq^rfq^qiqql q^q=qosn%55-

qg^i^q fqqiqq ^i'qiqfq^qif 1
qiqq^ qRi?^ i%i%qq%: qrqqq^R^

?ft7rqir% ! qqRqafiqqiq: ii

qifq^q qqiq=q mq qq^qqiq ^i^frqji qqs, fqi-qfl^ q^iqi^q^qqi^-

qii^TOqi^rqq, qiq: qr qRi?^ f%%^q%R$?qq I
qfrrqqi^^^iqqq^fS^q;

ai^i^qq ajq^fq^^fil^q 1

3Tqiae9iq^?qlqq^ =q 9%:

! qq qq qii^ajiiq ?igqfq: n

qgj^S^iqq ^!?l*^7iq: aitqqfeqiq ^qfq — ggj^jf, e^IR^qq,
etRqqiRqiqtq^qq, qrqqqn'^OTq , fq^^r^ie:, s^qqfeek'iq i
qqilq ^fiqjiqi^iq^^qqiq^^T, qq aiiq^^qilq Ri^iqq

253

Part III] SRI MOKA KAVl L51IAKTI SUSAMA

q?J?f R^5r i
titiR

qjfiqqf qicT?aq=q^qq5cii PiRg^! ||

1%^, 3?c!q;5qffTqr qq# eiRS qmq; ^\m

f^^fqq^: 3ffqq*qcT ^rq;mT^(=q<<q%qRftq[ —

q<fti% qfeq3«?

f ?ri^iq<qi4: f fi^firqo^: ^i^qg^ofr |
nq®q qiRU% ! gqqf cr^iRf fn%^ !
p7<ft^*q4 ^q =q<qqi^Tc»qqttqi I)

q?qqicql ft ^feqWJS^qqgSRqft, mt

fis^i^'qqsqRi^^q^qie^rqPi^, ^pcnqft^mfSjqL,

qiT:, %q ftift ^HcT I qjFsqq^^qqr ft, ft/^Tw? <^lCfrafe§qq[-
^fPlcTqi q;isqe*q^f q;ft: Hfqn-cTRqfq qgq^ftf^^

fq qft^iqqft i 4 %qr qi^rgqqrq^S’qq^

cHRfiq qjftci^^sfqg^R^fq; —

^i5q qg: g<K-

<qicq5|R qftiqqjqq^^cT I
31# wqff^q^

3r4f% qiisq q^q^qgoqr: n

qjRigqfl^q qw q4!% I%qq:, q^<qi?qqft>, 3rq?q g^q^q^qt
^Icft^lgftqiqjisq^gqq: I fq =qig^ft: g?qf q: 3fq^rqftq ^l-
qnq^t^qqifqrq^ | fcTl^qR#; q(qg^, q3i?Tc?Tq[^]qairqe< qft^^qi^g
f'qiqqR^n^, 3r[^%»q^q^, 3r?qfqq|?qfl%, 3f[q?^
q;^q9Jfq<f q; | ^i\ qriiqqfegqqi, qi q^^jq ftq1q;qftq>i5(^ =q
qr^iq^q^ —

q^q q wiqf ^q^qqi^i
q qiq^qqiq^ qqqqw fqrift i

254 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

^j?(5Krq^ti2 !

qK5fHq^3, 3f-c!feq^ji«q<lji

qio§ci??o5^'i5, ^ 119 ?-^, 3iq=;i555r^q^^i^^(l3^

3rqcffci%, e^4cir ^iq^^rsqq;, q^qcii'cT^r q;i5qqri^i?^i6:,<^cipaqr
^ qiIsqi[gqq%{%-T%qi3^qHqq (|

LETTER TO THE EDITOR.*

My reviewer’s first complaint is that the differentiation of
Vidya and Kald is hardly convincing. He does not give any
reason to support this contention. The lines quoted from
Sukranlti serves as an evidence only to prove the
of the arts. They were never meant to support his definition.
The reviewer misses the real import of it although it is quite
clear.

The reviewer next observes that the author doubts the
existence of a person, Bharata by name. I may assure the
readers that I have never d )ubted the existence of Bharata.

The author’s criticism of A. K. Kumaraswami’s translation
of Abhinaya Darpanam has elicited comment that it is not
supported by adequate reasons. Pages 28, 29, 30 and 31 of the
book disprove the reviewer’s statement.

Mr. Nair’s assertive statement fails to carry conviction ”
says the reviewer regarding the 450 years’ antiquity of this
Kerala Art. While discussing the dates of isankara Kavi and
Vira Kerala V'arma, the guru and uncle respectively of the
author of ‘ Ramanattam ’, the author quotes the Quilon inscrip-
tion which mentions the date of Virakerala-Varma. The
reviewer repudiates the author’s conclusion saying that the said
inscription does not refer to the direct authorship of the Attak-
katha. How could or why should the uncle mention the name
of his nephew in this inscription and his works ? The charge of

in the quoting of this inscription is beside the

point.

The existence of an inscription in Orissa dated 1499 which
tells us that ‘ Astapadi ’ was sung and danced there at that time
is mentioned by the reviewer as an evidence to prove that

* This is in connection with a Review by Mr. E. P. Radha-
krishnan of a work “Attakkatha or Kathakali, a Critical Study”
by Sri P. Krishnan Nair, Vyakarana-Sahitya Siromani, Junior
Lecturer in Malayalam, University of Madras. No. 5, Madras
University Malayalam Series, 1939, which was published in
Volume XIII at page 348.

XIV— 33

256 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

Astapadi had been in vogue in Kerala long before the
‘ Krisnanattam ’ and * Ramanattam ’ came into existence.
Looking at the map of India we see that Bengal, the original
home of Astapadi, and Orissa are adjacent territories, while
Malabar is far far away in the South west. How can this
Orissa inscription prove that Astapadiyattam must have been
in practice in Kerala in those years, unless Orissa and Malabar
are proved to be identical? The author’s case is therefore
strengthened by the manuscript evidence he has supplied, which
unmistakably proves that * Astapadiyattam ’ in Kerala is much
later.

It is generally accepted by scholars that the name
‘ Paraiyur’ in ‘ Cilappatikaram ’ refers to North Parur in
Travancore. The reviewer is quite free to have his own view
on the subject but he must show sufficient reasons to prove the
untenability of the accepted identification instead of dismissing
it in a random remark. Nor has he any alternative suggestion
to offer.

The reviewer presumes to examine only the book proper
but takes up a foot-note from the Prastavana for comment and

finds fault with the expression of in preference to

We are at a loss to understand the material difference
between the two terms. If the reviewer recognises the autho-
rity of Panini he should accept the sutra “d

(5-1-121) which justifies the use of
as more correct than

TECHNICAL TERMS IN THE A^TADHYAYl
K. Madhava Krishna Sarma, m.o.l,

Adyar Library

Panini makes use of nearly 100 technical terms, some
having been invented by him and others (probably a larger
number) adopted from earlier works. The following have
been defined by him,

(1) ffl[: 1. 1. 1; (2) mi 1. 1. 2 ; (3) 1. 1.7;

(4) 1. 1. 8; (5) 1. 1. 9; (6) 1.1.11 ;

(. ) 3 1.1.20; (8) ^ 1.1.22; ( 9 ) ^ 1-1.23; (10) ^1...24
(11)^11,1.26; (12) ^1^ 1.1.27; (13) 1.1.37 ;

(14) 1.1.42; (1 ) 1.1.45; (16)^:

1.1.60; (17-19) m. 1.1.61; (20) 1.1.65;

(21) 15*11.1.73; (22-2+) 1.2.27; (25)

1.2.28; (26) L..29; (27) 1.2.30; (28)

1.2.41; (29) 1.2.4^; (30) 1.2.43f ;

(31) mf^qf^l.2.45f; (32) 1.2.64; (33) ^ 1.3.2;

(34) ^ 1.4.3ff.; (35) 1.4.7ff.; (36) ^ 1.4.10;

(37) 3^1.4.111; (38) ^*11.4.13; (39) 1.4.1 4ff;

(40) *1*1 l.4.18fT; (41)^1^*1*11.4.21; (42--t3)

^^ ^ ^ 4*1 . 1.4.22; (44) «riKR*l 1.4.24ff ; (45) %XRT*T*I. 1.4.32; ft.
(46) ^1^*1 1,4.42; (47) 1.4.45; (48) ^ 1.4.'49ff;

(49) ^ 1.4.54; (50) 1.4.56f; (51) 1.4.59;

(52) *T^: 1.4.60ff; (53) 1.4.83ff; (55)

1.4.99; (55)3^*1^*11.4.100; (56-58) si*T*t: *T«m: 5^:

1.4.101; (59) 1.4.104; (60) 1.4.109; (61)

aiWR*l 1.4.1 10; (62) 2.1.52; (63) 2.2.23;

(64) 5*5: 2.2.29; (65) 3imf^cl*i 2.3.48; (66)

2.3.49; (67) 3^m*l 3.1.92; (68) liM; 3.1.95; (69)3^

3.2.110ff; (70) ®^3.2.111ff; (71) ^ 3.2.114f f ; (72)

3.2.115ff; (73) 3.2.123ff; (74) 3^ 3.3.15ff;

XIV— 34

260 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

(75) ?5^3.3.139ff; (76) 3.3.161ff ; (77) ^ 3.3.162ff ;

(78) ^3.4.7ff; (79) m^'3(mK3AM3; (80)

3.4.114; (81) 4.1.162; (82) 4.1.163ff; (83)

?I5rr^: 4.1.172; (84) 3nilfe?ni8.1.2.

The meagreness of evidence renders it impossible to have a
clear-cut division of the Samjnas into Paninian andnon-Paninian
and the authorship of many of these can be decided only by
a good deal of further investigation. What is attempted here
is only to examine the conclusions arrived at by Goldstucker
regarding these and to give certain broad characteristics of
Paninian terms which may help future attempts to distinguish
these from the rest.

iGoldstiicker thinks that a solution to the above problem
is contained in the rule ( P. 1.2.53). Accord-

ing to him this rule tells us what we should understand by
the term ‘Samjna’ in Panini's grammar and thus helps us to mark
Paninian terms off from others. He interprets it as follows >

^‘Amongst these rules, one (1.2.53) referring to a subject
touched on by him in a previous Sutra, says: “Such matter will
not be taught by me, for it falls under the category of con-
ventional terms, which are settled (and therefore do not require
any rule of mine; literally: for it has the authority of a samjna
or conventional term)”. To these words, Patanjali appends the
following gloss : “When Panini speaks of conventional terms
which he will not teach because they are settled, does he mean
by this expression, such technical terms as ti, ghu, bha, and the
like ? No ; for samjna is here the same as samjnana ‘under-
standing’ (i.e., a name which has a real meaning, that may be
traced etymologically)”. And Kaiyata enlarges upon these
words in the following strain :

“The question of Patanjali is suggested by the rule of
analogy. His answer is in the negative, because context itself
has a greater weight than (mere) analogy.” Now, though such
terms as ti, ghu, bha, and the like, are settled terms, this
circumstance would not have been a sufficient reason in an
etymological work (like that of Panini) for leaving them
untaught, for they have no etymology. ‘Understanding’ (as
Patanjali paraphrases samjna) means mentally entering into.

1. Panini, pp. 163ff.

Part IV] TECHNICAL TERMS IN THE ASTaDHYAYT 261

understanding the component parts of a word (or it means the
words which admit of this mental process." )"

From this he derives the following conclusions: —

1. That his grammar does not treat of those Samihas
or coventional names which are known and settled otherwise.

2. That this term samjna must be understood in our rule
to concern only such conventional names as have an etymology.

3. That it applies also to grammatical terms which admit
of an etymology, but not to those which are merely grammati-
cal symbols.

4. That such terms as ti, ghu and bha, were known
and settled before Panini’s grammar, but that, nevertheless,
they are defined by Panini because they are not etymological
terms.

These conclusions of Goldstiicker are based on a wrong
interpretation of the rule and the Mahabhasya and Pradipa
on it. The correct interpretations of these texts is as
follows : —

Panini ; I

By ‘tad’ he refers to the Yuktavadbhavasastra, i.e., the
concord of gender and number of primary and derivative
nouns and of attributes and substantives, regarding which he
has already given two rules, namely ^ and

(1. .51-52)-

The first rule says that when a Taddhita affix is dropped by
luPt then the gender and number of the Taddhita word which
has thus been derived agree with those of the original word
e.g., \

The second says that the number and gender of such
derivatives are the same as those of the latter but not when

expressing Jati, e.g., (but WJi when jati is

expressed).

The view contained in these two rules is in fact not
Panini’s, but that of some of his predecessors. Kasika there-
fore has on P. 1.4.41 the remark:

I ^snn»ini^ l

262 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

Panini thinks that no hard and fast rule can be laid down
regarding gender and number which more or kss depend on
usage, and refutes the view of his predecessors in the next rule.

“Thisi concord of gender and number, of primitive and
derivative nouns, and of attri'iutes and substantives, need not
be taught (or approved) because it has the authority of sam-
jna (or conventional term or idiom).

The agreement between the number and gender of the
nouns and attributes; of primary and secondary v\ords formetl
by the suffix Leing dropped, is r.ot an approved syntax. The
gender and number of particular derivatives or adjectives are
not blindly to be fixed by the primary words or the governed
substantives; but it is a matter more or less of usage or idiom;
and no hard and fast rule can be laid down for it. Thus the
word ‘wife’ has the form of masculine plural, but is always
applied to female singular; similarly ‘water’ is always
feminine plural in form; so also Wh This Sutra,

therefore, modifies the former Sutras, and leaves the whole
question of syntactic agreement to be decided by usage and
idiom.”

In Panini’s grammar ‘Samjna’ usually (when formed with
the Karana-an) means a technical term; hut, since the problem
of technical terms has no relation whatsoever to the subject
at issue here, namely, the concord of gender and number
of derivative and primary words, it is here taken as ending
with the Bhava an, i.e., as an abstract noun meaning cognition
or, to be more clear, understanding by convention. It is true
that this Pada in the beginning deals with some technical terms
and the meaning of samjna which one understands here from
the context, is ‘a technical term’; but since the meaning decided
by the context does not have any bearing on the subject dealt
with in the Sutra and since Samarthya, i.e., the potence or the
indicative power of the words (one of the six factors given by
Jaimini,2 which fixes the meaning of a word in a given pa.ssage
in accordance with its bearing on the subject which is at issue)
has greater weight than Prakarana, i.e., the context, Samjna is
here inlerpreted not as ‘a technical term’ but as ‘Sampratyaya*,

1. Vasu, Trans, of the S. Kaumudi, Vol. 1, pp. 725-726.

2. See Sutra 3.3.14

Part IV] TECHNICAL TERMS IN THE ASTADHYAYI 263

i.e., Rudhi or convention. What Panini means is this. The
gender and number of a word are more or less matters^ of
usage and the efforts of even competent grammarians to fix
them cannot turn out successful. In such instances as

etc., the number or gender of the
adjective is justified by convention, i. e., Ru^hi. Hence, in
Panini's view, there is no need to assume such a nominal
adjective as a derivative which has preserved the gender or
number of the original word. Panini thus differs from his
predecessors on this point. All this is made clear by Kaiyata
who explains the Mahabhasya on this Sutra —

m\ —

as follows —

I sf ft

i I i i «5i9rq

I c!5r qqiqt mi ^i —

m\ smioTH., qq wi^r i ^ ^

n ii

Nagesa :

1/

The question of Patanjali is not, as Goldstiicker thinks,
suggested by the rule of analogy, but by the Paribhasa

According to this Paribhasa the expression ^ in
Panini's grammar can mean only technical terms. Why
Patanjali instances only such terms as etc., will be

presently made clear, Goldstucker’s explanation of Patanjali's

1. Cf. the statement ^WPIWtfetW which one

very often comes across in tlie various commentaries on Panini ;
cf. also such words as ^ etc. given by Kaiyata.

264 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

answer ( “a name which has a real meaning, that may be traced
etymologically”) is against the Pradipa and Udyota which
interpret Samjnana as and since the word here ends in

a Bhavapratyaya it is evidently wrong also. He mistrans-
lates Kaiyata’s and by ‘analogy' and ‘context’

respectively. The meanings of these two words are so well
established as not to a Imit of any misinterpretation. Nagesa
gives their unequivocal equivalents as Above

all, Goldstiicker clearly forgets that the topic dealt with in
the Sutra is far from having any relation to the problem of
the technical terms. We have, therefore, to find a solution
for this problem of the Samjnas not in this Sutra, nor in
the Mahabhasya etc., on it, but elsewhere as shown below.

I think we shall not be wrong if, according to Patanjali's
oft-repeated statementi ^ I ^

I we decide that all such monosyllabic terms as ti,
ghu, bha, ghi, etc., are the inventions of Panini whose object
it is to secure brevity to the largest extent. The very fact that
Patanjali instances only such terms as being understood
primarily by Sarnjna in Panini’s work points to this conclusion.
Macdonell also seems to hold a similar view when he says :
“2Those of Panini’s terms which are real words, whether they
describe the phenomenon as sam-asa ‘compound' or express a
category by an example, as dvi-gu (two-cow) ‘numeral com-
pound’, are probably all borrowed from predecessors. Most of
his technical terms are arbitrary groups of letters resembling
algebraic symbols.” In the Mahabhasya on P. 1.2.53., Patan-
jali instances ti, ghu, bha, etc., as Krtrimasamjnas; and the
suggestion that these are invented by Panini is transparent in it.

As regards the Mahasamjnas there is no safe criterion to
decide their authorship. Probably most of them are borrowed
by Panini from his predecessors. But it must be noted that
the adoption of these instead of simpler terms like ti, ghu, bha,
etc., has various purposes. In certain cases it is to teach that
what has been denoted by them must be in accordance witli
their respective etymological meanings. This is clearly borne
out by such statements of Patanjali as the following: —

1. See the Mahabhasya on P. 1.1.22, 26, 32, etc.

2. A Sanskrit Grammar, Introduction, p. 9.

Part IV] TECHNICAL TERMS IN THE A§TADHYAYI 265

^lirr I % SIR 5T I 2R«T

^4II

? ^4 ft I c!5r ^qi: qROi i^qtSRJi-

9Pf4<^r qqi ftirr>?cT — ^Riq^sqqi ll

^ajqqi q^cftq ^ I ^ =q qm qeit i ^

? ^q4 ft i ^ qfsqi: einqi: ^

apq^^iTT m l ^f¥qi

’^tct: ^f^iqrfq ||

^R9?q fft qfcft m\ I *q qm qcft q 55^q: I
^ ? ^4 ft ^inqROJJi I ^ qj^oi

t^cqqtsrqq, — ai^4e?i qqi ftin4c! — jRqiqqcftft \\

The definition of a few others is intended by Panini to
point out his difference from his predecessors in regard to
them. For instance he defines Karmadharaya as

q;4qRq:’* in order to bring those compounds under
the category of Tatpurusa. His predecessors seem to have
regarded the Karmadharayas as a separate class. The Brhad-
devata, though much later than Panini, preserves an earlier
grammatical tradition when it says :

%3j5^S5?Fftqrq: qq -q |

q^q^g qg^ift: \\

It is not clear what evidence Goldstiicker has got to adduce
that Panini is the first to employ the term Karmadharaya in the
sense stated by him.

1 . 1 . 1 . 22 .

2. 1.1.26.

3. 3.1.1.

4. There are also some more instances where Fatahjali
repeats this.

5. Cf. tlie Prakriyasarvasva :

3[^4#r qqr^ q ftg: i

ac^ffqq^f^sjTfxqTf^ qqq. n

qq ^qi^q i

Samasaprakarana (Adyar Library Ms. 21. Q« 3).

Vide Dr. C. Kunhan Raja’s Introduction to the Prakriya
Sarvasva, Madras University Sanskrit Series, p. 12. Panini, p. 167.

266 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

There are yet a few other Mahasamjnas> e.g., Udatta,
Anudatta, Svarita, Samhita, etc., which are undoubtedly
borrowed by Paniui from earlier phonetical treatises and
whose definitions in the Astadhyayi are only to acquaint the
Mandabuddhi, i.e., one who has not studied the Pratisakhyas or
the Siksas with their meaning. Commenting on P. 1.2.32
Patanjali says:

Later commentators and the Samjnd^dstra.

It is perhaps deserving of mention here that the question
whether this SamjnaSastra teaches something new which is not
known otherwise, i. e , Apurvavidhi, or only seeks to restrict
the meanings of these terms which are otherwise known, i.e.,
Niyamavidhi, receives serious attention in later commentaries.
Bhattoji Diksita thinks that it is a Niyamasastra. In the
Sabda>kaustubha he says:

This has the support of the following Vakyapadiya: —
ft?!'!: mW* I

According to Nagesa, it is a Vidhi^stra. In the Lagbu-
sabdendusekhara he says :

That these terms have only their technical meanings in
Panini’s grammar is only a general rule ; in a few exceptional
cases their ordinary meanings have also to be accepted, justifi-
cation for this being found in the maxim

In his commentary on P. 1.1.22 Patanjali says:

^ m I I apqsrnq

I cmr — I diid^

1. P. 86, Chaukhamba edition.

2. 2.369.

3. Vol. I, p. 55 (Kasi Sanskrit Series).

Part IV] TECHNICAL TERMS IN THfi ASTADHYAYI 267

I i ^

I m\ I

51^ I fmn. I

I «ri^^Rarq^ I

%& Rfw. I II

THE CONCEPT OF PRAMADA IN SANATSU-
JATIYAM

BY

«T. S. S.

The Vedanta philosophy of Sanatana Dharma abounds in
passages interpreting the many-sided problems of Life and
Death that confront every human being every minute. But no
other book than the Sanatsujatiyam presents a more clear, com-
prehensive and complete comment on the question of Death.

Dhrtarastra, the blind king of the Kurus and father of the
hundred Kaurava brothers, after having tasted enough of the
bitterness of defeat at the hands of the Pandavas and lost all
his sons, lost also his mental tranquillity and became very
uneasy. Just at that time Vidura returned from his long pilgri-
mage and seeing Dhrtarastra unhappy, decided to give him
some advice to enable him to renounce once for all the worldly
attachment and attain eternal Bliss. Accordingly, Vidura ex-
plained among other things that the world is unreal, that all lives
are short indeed, and that the only truth is the Self. It is strange,
but nevertheless true, that there is an inexplicable natural long-
ing in the mortal man to comprehend and realise the Supreme
Immortal Absolute Atman. If man’s natural desire is to realise
that Supreme Entity, what prevents him from attaining it?
It is avidya or cosmic nescience that throws him headlong into
the ocean of miseries. Atma-Vidya or the knowledge of the
Self alone has power to destroy all miseries of a deluded life.

{Chhandogya Upanisad). One who realises
the Atma crosses over the gulf of miseries.

So, when Dhrtarastra heard his words, he became so
impressed with his advice that he, realising that the highest
aim of life is the realisation of Atma, decided to study under
Vidura and thereupon requested Vidura to enlighten him fully
on the supremely transcendental subject of Brahmavidya.

Vidura was glad that his few words effected so much
change in the mentality of his blind brother. But Vidura
pleaded his inability to comply with the request of Dhrtarastra

269

Part IV] THE CONCEPT OF PRAMADA

toenlighteo him on the subject of Atma-VidySy inasmuch as he
had no right to teach such a highly recondite Sastraic subject of
as he was born of a Sudra woman. He, there-
fore, wanted to delegate the laudable task to more competent
and proper hands and recommended the name of Sanatsujata,
“The Eternal Boy.” Vidura, thereafter, thought of the
Eternal Boy” and he appeared.

Sri Saijatkumara’s august presence itself was a source of
never-failing inspiration and encouragement to king Dhrta-
rastra. He felt, as it were, that wisdom had dawned on his
mind which had been till then hazy with confused ideas. He
thought that the best days of his life began only when Vidura
spoke to him on the eternity and immutability of the Para-
'fiidhna and the transient nature of all objects of mundane
existence. His heart was saturated with joy at Vidura’s bene-
volent sincerity of heart. It might be remembered that Dhrta-
rastra had already floundered enough in the ocean of miseries
and so longed for emancipation once for all from the
bondage of samsdra. This thirst for liberation is the prime
requisite of a true aspirant for Atma-Vidya. Only when the
mind is cleansed of all impurities like desire, resentment etc.,
(^r^T, is it possible to gain a true perception of the
Truth.

So, Dhrtarastra, very anxious to learn the Truth, request-
ed Sri Sanatkumara to bless him with the Supreme Knowledge
('KfiT “They say” he said, “that you preach to the world

the theory of the non-existence of death. But the Devas and
the Asuras practised strict continence (^Brahtnacarya) in order
to free themselves from the shackles of death. Which of
these two facts is right?” The Chhandogya Upanisad tells us
that Indra and Virocana believed in the existence of death and
with a view to avoiding it practised Brahmacarya. If there
existed nothing as death there would not have arisen any neces-
sity for the Devas and the Asuras to take to Brahmacarya.
So thought Dhrtarastra, who asked Sanatkumara to explain to
him whether death existed or not. The “Eternal Boy” was
pleased at his query and gave out his reply— a reply intended
not only for the enlightenment of the blind king but also for
the benefit of the entire ‘blind' humanity whose real nature is
shrouded in the utter darkness of Avidya or nescience. Some
believe that there is death and hope to escape its cruel hands by

270 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

the performance of Vaidika karmas. These people do not
realize that the deathless state is not one attainable by karmas.
But there are some others who believe that nothing but the
supreme Atman is real, and totally deny the existence of death
for Him. These persons recognize the absolute nature of the
Imperishable Supreme Brahman. Sanatkumara began to explain
to the king the philosophy of death because he knew that the
subject on hand was so recondite, subtle and abstruse that any
superficial knowledge would lead the latter into a maze. He
said that the theory of the existence or non-existence of death
dated from the time of creation. Some were of the opinion

that death was synonymous with (^) the erroneous identifica-
tion of the perishable body with the Immortal SouL But he
himself preferred to equate it with the still more anterior lapse
from the perception of Brahma which was responsible for this
erroneous identification, and the miseries of birth and death
consequent thereon. The state of oneness with the Para
Brahma, according to him, was the state ol^deathlessness. The
concept of Pramada as enunciated by iSri Sanatkumara may
thus be illustrated : Ordinarily the word Pramada is used to
signify “mistake". We say that through PramSda a man
mistakes a rope for a snake. Sanatkumara points out that this
mistaken perception of a snake in the rope is traceable to a still
earlier mistake, namely, the non~perception of the rope. That
is, the non-perception of the rope is the first or causal mistake ;
the perception of the snake is the second or subsequent mistake.
Sanatkumara prefers to use the word Pramada for the first
mistake. In Vedanta phraseology, the first mistake is known
as Avarana and the second as Viksepa.

Here Sanatkumara substantiated his arguments by advert-
ing to the war between the Suras and the Asuras. Who are
Suras and Asuras? Those indulging in sensuous pursuits with-
out attempting to know their real nature are Asuras.

(^33 ^^3 Those who enjoy trans-

cendental joy in the Atma, which resides in the chamber of

their hearts are Suras. ????% xhe

orthodox commentators consider the above story as an eulogis-
tic remark to point out the omnipotence, the omni-

presence and the omniscience of Brahman. The Asuras in
their war with the Devas were defeated due to their ignorance

Part IV] THE CONCEPT OF PRAMADA

271

of the knowledge of Brahma and their attachment to sensual
materialism. But the Suras, inasmuch as they comprehended
the Supreme Spirit, emerged victorious and glorious.

In fact, death never pounces on its victims nor pierces
them with sharp claws like a tiger; for death has no form or
shape. Ordinary people identify Yama with death. And the
Puranas narrate how Savitri, the chaste and dutiful wife of
Satyavan, met Yama in physical form, pleaded for the life of
her husband and at last won it from him. It may be unneces-
sary to consider here whether Satyavan was a “historical”
person but the story is not allegorical in the sense that we need
import anything more than the literal sense. The God of death
has a form and the soul leaving the body has also a form and
the story has to be taken as literally true. This is not disputed
by Sanatkumara. He only says that the God of Death is not
really as deathly as the death of PramSda about which he is
talking. But it is not this Death that Sanatkumara here speaks.
It may be pointed out that here and throughout Sanatsujaiiyam
Sri Sanatkumara harps on the sole string of Advaita and
strictly warns us against falling into the hands of Pramada,

(swk) the Real Death. The ignorant think that Yama, the
God of death, is a cruel god. The Acarya says that he is not
as they take him to be, but on the other hand, he metes out
justice according to the Punya-Pdpa (virtue or vice) of man
and leads him on the right path, and thus justifies the appella-
tion of Dharma Raja.

So, it is clear that Pramada alone was death. We shall
now consider its modus operandi. This PramSdOf this “death”
starts with Egoism and then Desire. In the Bhagavadglta
Arjuna puts the question to his Divine Charioteer : “What
prompts a man to commit sin even against his will?” Sri
Krsna answers : “That is desire. That is anger. That is the
product of the quality called Rajas

In this world almost all thinking beings are swayed by desire to
secure pleasures. It is desire that induces them to action. If
there is any obstacle to their getting the desired objects this
desire takes the shape of anger towards that obstacle. Anger
produces confusion and deprives them of their power of dis-
crimination The state of equanimity is impossible of

attainment by a deluded man ; he mistakes the forbidden path

272 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

to be the right path. Those who are under the devastating
influence of ignorance (Ajndna) with its multi-faces like
egoism, desire, anger, etc., fall an easy prey to the God of
death. After death they pass to the yonder world where they
stay till their karmas are exhausted. Again, they take their
birth in this world. And the senses hold their sway over them
according to their karmas. They become, as it were, their
servants and following in their foot-steps revolve in the
Samsaric cycle of births and deaths. That is, not having
realized the true nature of Airna they flounder in the sea of
Santsdra, dashed recklessly hither and thither against the rocks
of desire, anxiety, etc.

The next point dealt with by the heavenly Acarya is that
Karma is the cause of the Samsaric cycle of births and deaths.
Our Scriptures say that Karma is intended for puri-

fying the mind and that it should be performed without attach-
ment to the fruits thereof. If one does an act with a view to
enjoying its fruits he becomes irrevocably bound to Karma and
its resultant pleasures and pains and is thereby prevented from
crossing the ocean of Mrtyu-Samsara. Why should the desire
for the fruits of Karma entangle him in the cobweb of 5’am-
sdral The Acarya explains that the man who mistakes the
body, etc., to be the Atma is at once deluded into the belief that
much real pleasure is derivable from enjoying sense-objects.
Just as the blind man stumbles on ruts, pits and on ground
covered with thorns and brambles, the man without discrimina-
tion rambles about and tumbles down in his search after
sensuous pleasures. This unrestricted desire for sensuous
pleasures is like an intoxicant to the Indriyas or senses. The
man unattached to sensuous pleasures is immune from the evil
influence of the senses; and these senses, on the other hand,
turn their attention inwards where resides the Atma and as a
consequence delusion is destroyed. But the man attached to
sensuous pleasures is ever in the danger zone ready to collapse
at any moment; the senses in his case do not go inward but
wander about in search of more and more pleasures and the
more their store of pleasures the greater their desires grow and
the farther the Truth recedes. Wisely did Bhagavan Manu
say: “By enjoying desire Kama becomes insatiable even as fire
increases more and more with havis, i.e., oblations” (Manu
Smrti II, 94).

273

Part IV] THE CONCEPT OF PRAMAdA

Thus, so long as man retains relationship with the sense-
objects known as Sdbda, Sparta, etc., (sound, touch, etc.,) his
miserable condition in the ever-recurring cycle of births and
deaths becomes a fixed necessity. For, his kinship with the
unreal objects born of ignorance or Avidya makes him lose his
inherent lofty Brahmic state and mercilessly makes him experi-
ence the bitter fruits of transient misery-giving pleasures of the
senses (Kdmini, Kdncana, etc.) When these take permanent
abode in his mind they invite their other friends to settle with
them. No wonder he is inextricably caught in their net and is
made to dance to their tunes. Need we say that he will be
subjected to the severest forms of tyranny at their cruel hands?
Enamoured of the objects of Kama, youths stray from the
right path and are enmeshed in the maze of Mrtyu (death).
But, on the other hand, the wise equanimous men find amidst
the fleeting transient world, their eternal state of beatific bliss.
These souls alone are called valiant (dhiras). How do these
dhirds conquer death and extricate themselves from the grip of
Satnsdra? They consider the sense-objects as unstable, unclean
and misery-ridden and spurn them and treat them with the
utmost contempt that they rightly deserve. They cleanse their
minds of the impurities of KSma. They thus become the
Mrtyu of the Mrtyu, the devourer of death. He who destroys
sensual desires by his discrimination ( Viveka) becomes himself
the slayer of death; he alone is really learned; he alone is
clever; he alone has rightly understood himself.

VEDIC STUDIES

BY

A. Venkatasubbiah.

Section I.

THE ACT OF TRUTH IN THE RGVEDA
(Continued from page 236, Vol. XIV)

The word apihitdni in pada c seems, in spite of the plural
number and neuter gender, to be an attribute of the masculine

singular noun urvam in b (see the translation of Ludwig). I

therefore believe that urvam has the force of the plural, and
translate it as ‘caves'. Geldner, on the other hand, supplies

the word ‘treasures' after apihitdni, and translates padas cd as
‘die mit einem Stein verschlossenen (Schatze) freigegeben wie
die aufgebrochene Erde'.

Regarding the mention of horses in connection with the
prison of the cows, compare 10, 108, 7 {ay am nidhih sarame

I III II

adribudhno gobhir aivebhir vasubhir nyrstah) in which the

Panis inform Sarama that the treasure within the mountain was

‘ornamented with horses, cows and wealth'.

I I I

Regarding the expression ksds tatrddnd, compare ksdmd

I I

bhindantah in 4, 2, 16 explained above. I look upon tatrddnd
as nominative dual (masculine), and not (as Geldner does) as
an epithet of ksdh.

(45) 1, 100, 4: so ahgirobhir ahgirastamo bhud

vrsa vrsabhih sakhibhih sakha sanj

!. , . II I

rgmibhir rgmi gatubhir jyestho
I I ■

niarutvan no bhavatv indra utl||

“He, the strong one, became with the strong Ahgirases the chief
Ahgiras, a friend with the friends, a chanter with the chanters,
the best with the songs— may Indra accompanied by the Maruts
come to us with his help".

Part IV ] VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 275

Pada d is the refrain and occurs at the end of the first

fifteen verses ot this hymn. The expression gdtubhir jyesthah
has been explained differently as *durch forderung der vorzu-
glichste’ (Ludwig), *unter den Wegen der Beste’ (Geldner,
RV. Ueber.),*6itx Sanger bester'(GRASSMANN), andas gdtubhih
gatavyebhyah stotavyebhyo *pi jyesthah atisayena stofavyah

(Sayana). The reference in rgmibhir rgml and gdtubhir
jyesthah is to the spells of truth of the Angirases and of Indra.

(46) 4, 17, 10: ayam srnve adha jayann uta ghnann

r ‘ *1 I II

ayam uta pra krnute yudha gahj

.-1 ‘ ' ' J ,

yada satyam krnute manyum indro

b ' '

visvam drjham bhayata ejad asmat||

“He is well-known as conquering and smiting, and he drives

forth the cows by means of a fight. When Indra makes a

spell of truth, all solid (mountains or forts) move from fear

of him”.

I I

satyam manyum=satyam mantram or spell of truth: com-
I I

pate satyo manyuh in 2, 14, 14 explained above. Regarding
the use of the verb kr with words denoting ‘speir, compare 4,

I I III

16, 20: eved indrdya vrsabhdya vrsne brahmdkarma ‘we have
thus made a spell for the strong excellent Indra’, and 10, 39,

i.. ' '

14 : etam vdm stomam aivindv akarma ‘this hymn, O Asvins,
we have made for you’.

lAivam drlham— 2 \\ solid things; that is, all solid moun-
tains or forts. The meaning of padas cd is, ‘when Indra utters
a spelk^f truth, even the solid mountains become, by virtue of
the spell, mobile, that is, are hurled afar and shattered’.
Sayana and other exegetists however understand manyu as
*anger’,i and translate pada d as ‘everything, fixed and moving,
feels afraid of him’.

(47) 7, 75, 7 : satya satyebhir mahati mahadbhir

,11 II

devi devebhir yajata yajatraihj
rujad drlhani dadad usriyanam

I . i” I

prati gava usasam vavasanta] |

1. Geldner (RV*. Uebcr.) interprets manyu as Eifer here.

276 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

“The utterer of (spells of) truth, the great, divine, worshipful
(Usas), with the (Ahgirases), utterers of (spells of) truth,
great, divine and worshipful, shattered the solid (mountain-
prisons) and gave the cows. The cows lowed towards Usas”.

I . .

This verse is addressed to Usas, who is called angtrastamd

I . . , H

‘chief Ahgiras’ in verse 1 of this hymn : angtrasiamd pathyd

'.1 I .1 I . .

ajXgah and in 7, 79, 3: vi divo devl duhitadadh&ty angtrastamd

I ' I .

sukrte vasuni ; and it represents her as shattering the mountain
and freeing the cows in the company of the Ahgirases who are

• . • . !

referred to by the epithets satyebhih, mahadhhih, devaih and

I .

yajatrath.

Usas is similarly associated with the Ahgirases in 6, 65, 5 :

.,11 II I . . I . , . j

tdd ht ta uso adrisdno gotrd gavdtn angiraso grnanU explained
, II II I

above, and in A \kuvit sa devlh sanayo navo vdydmo

I II I ■ I I I

oaomydd usaso vo adya\ yend navagve angire dasagve saptdsye

revatl revad usa ‘O Dawns, goddesses, is your way now old or
new, is it (the same) as ye followed with wealth, O ye rich
ones, when ye dawned on Navagva, Ahgira, Dasagva and
Saptasya’?! But while verses 10, 138, 1 ; 7, 76, 4; 4, 3, 11 ; 4, 1,
13; etc., explained above, make out that the Dawn, like the
sun and the cows, was imprisoned in the mountain-prison of
Vala and was freed, by means of spells of truth, by the Ahgi-
rases, Indra and Brhaspati, verses 7, 79, 3 and 7, 75, 1 and 7
(and 6, 65, 5 and 4, 51, 4 also?) make out that Usas too was
associated with the Ahgirases when they rent the mountain and
freed the imprisoned cows. Similarly, Usas is said to have
been produced by the Ahgirases and to have opened the doors

1. The words navagva, angira and dasagva have the force
of the plural and denote the Navagvas, Ahgirases and Dasagvas

respectively. The word sapt&sya denotes either Brhaspati (this

is the opinion of Geldner in RV. Ueber. who calls attention to 4,
I I J ..II

so, 4 ; bthaspatth . . . saptdsyas tuvijdto ravena which has been

explained above), or, more probably, the group of priests known

I *.

as ‘seven bards’, sapta viprdh.

Ludwig and Grassmann (IVdrterbttch and RV. Oeher)
however regard saptdsye as an epithet of daiagve.

Part IV] VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 277

of the solid mountain-prison in 7, 79, 4: t&vad uso r&dho
asmahhyam rasva ySvat stotrbhyo arado grnana\ ydm tv&

jajnur vrsabhasyd ravena vi drlhasya duro adrer aurnoh “Give
us that amount of wealth which thou, being praised, gavest to
thy praisers (the Angirases), O Dawn, whom they produced
by means of a roar (like that) of a bull; thou didst open the
doors of the solid mountain (-prison)” where the expression

vrsabhasyd, ravena refers to the spells of truth employed by the
Aftgirases. Compare also 4, 51, 2\ vy h vra]asya tamaso

I I I I

dvarocchantlr avrafic chucayah p&vak&h ‘the clear, bright

Dawns, drawning, opened the doors of the dark stable* and

1, 92, 4 : jyotir visvasmai bhuvan&ya krnvatl g&vo na vrajam

II I I

vy usd dvar tamah ‘Making light for all the world, Usas has
opened the dark stable and (set free) the cows’.

The epithet satyebhih used in the above verse to denote
the Angirases signifies ‘utterers of (spells of) truth’; and

hence the epithet satyd indicates that U§as too was an utterer
of spells of truth, and that, like the Angirases, she too em-
ployed such spells for rending the mountain and delivering the
cows.

II I 4 . '

(48) 7, 75, 1 : vy usa avo divija rtena-

viskrnvana mahmianam agatj
I I I 1.

apa druhas tama avar ajustam
I , ii ,

angirastama pathya ajlgah||

“Usas, daughter of Heaven, has, by means of a (spell of)
truth, opened (the doors of the mountain-prison) ; she has
come, making manifest her greatness. She has opened the
hated malignant dark (cave) ; the chief Angiras has awakened
the paths”.

ii

In pada a, vydvah which is a transitive verb, has no ob-
ject to govern ; and I have therefore supplied the words drlhasya
durah here on the analogy of 7, 79, 4: vi drlhasya duro adrer

aurnoh. Alternatively, one can supply the word tamah ; com-
I I . I II I ,1

pare 1, 92, 4: gdvo na vrajam vy usd dvar tamah cited above.

278 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

Sayana derives vy&vah from the root vas ‘to dwell’ and
explains it as vyaucchat vihhdnam krtavati; Grassmann trans-
lates pada a as ‘rechtzeitig brach hindurch die Himmelstochter’
and Ludwig as ‘aufgegangen ist Usas mit der richtigen zeit*.

“Awakened the paths”=made the paths come into use;

druhah, in c, is probably neuter accusative plural ; see Oldenberg,
RV. Noten. It can also be regarded as genitive singular refer-
ring to Vala (cp. 1, 1:1 4: apa druho mdnusasya duro vah) in
which case pada c would mean, ‘She opened the hated dark
cave of the malignant V^ala’.

II I I

(49) 4, 51, 7 : ta gha ta bhadra usasah purasur
I r ‘

abhistidyumna rtajatasatyahj
I * I , ‘ I i

yasv ijanah sasamana ukthai
I r I I

stuvan chamsan dravinam sadya apa||

“These beautiful Dawns of surpassing radiance were formerly-
born from the (spell of) truth and were utterers of spells of
truth, from whom, the sacrificer, performing the work with
hymns, singing and praising, received wealth immediately”.

I .

rtajdtasatydh is a karmadharaya compound of rtajdta and
ja/ya ; the former term refers to the Dawn being born as a
result of the spells of truth employed by the Ahgirases, etc., and
the latter, to the Dawn herself, after being born, uttering spells
of truth with the Angirases in order to liberate the cows, etc.

Gledner’s interpretation of rtajdtasatydh as ‘die rechtzeitig
geborenen und zuverlassigen’ (RV. Ueber.), is, like those of
Ludwig (‘von ausz der heiligen ordnung entspringenden wahr-
haftigkeit’), of Hillebrandt in Lieder d. RV. (‘wahrhaft
kraft heiliger Ordnung’), and of Grassmann in his Worter-
buck (‘das durch heiliges Werk entsprossene Gebet wahr
machend’), not satisfactory.

> i I I

(50) 7, 90, 4; ucchann usasah sudina aripra
uru jyotir vividur dldhyanah]
gavyarn cid urvam usijo vi vavrus

III I

tesam anu pradivah sasrur apahj|

“The unblemished Dawns that bring good days dawned; uttering
spells (of truth), they discovered the great light. The Usijs

Part IV] VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 279

opened the cave of the cows; there flowed forth for them the
Waters of old”.

I

Regarding dldhyanaht see 4, 50, 1 explained above; it

I I

seems here to be an epithet of the Dawns, uru jyotih is the

I I . I ■ I

sun; compare 7, 78, 3: ajljanant suryam yajnam agnim

II I . I

apdclnaM tamo agSd ajustam tesani—tes&m arthdya; sec 6, 22,

3 explained above. The meaning of anu pradivah is not
certain.

I I I . .,1

C51) 10, 37, 2: sa ma satyoktih pan patu visvato
I I ' I ' . . ,

dyava ca yatra tatanann ahani ca

• ' J . , ' , ' . .

visvam anyan ni visate yad ejati

II » I . j

visvahapo visvahodeti suryah]]

“May this spell of truth protect me on all sides where heaven
and earth stretch and days stretch : ‘All others that move, rest ;
the Waters (move) always, the sun moves up always’ ”.

The spell of truth referred to in pada a seems to be the
statement contained in padas c d. The meaning of padas a b
is : in all places where there are earth and sky, on all days, may
the following spell of truth protect me on all sides.

Like AV. 4, 18, 1 explained above, this verse too contains
a spell for the purpose of conferring protection. Compare
Sayana’s explanation : sa satyoktih tat satya-vacanam ma mam
visvatah sarvatah paripatu pariraksatu] yaya satyoktya yatra
yasmin dese dyava ca prthivi ca dyava-prthivyau ahani ratrayas ca
tatanan atanvan tatra visvam sarvam anyad bhuta-jatam ejati
kampate visvaha sarvada apas ca syandante visvaha sarvada
suryas codeti sa salyoktir mam paripatv ity arlhah. Geldner’s

explanation {RV. Komm.) of dyava as ‘night and day’ and

of satyokti as ‘hymn to Surya’ seems to be less satisfactory

than the explanations of Sayana.

I II I

(52) 10, 35, 7: pipartu ma tad rtasya pravacanam
I I I

devanam yan manusya amanmahi|

I I ’ I II I

visva id usrah spal ud eti suryah
I I ' ' I

svasty agnim samidhanam Imahe

“May that utterance of (the spell of) truth protect me, which
we, men, have uttered before the gods, “The sun, lo! rises

280 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

verily in all mornings”. We pray the kindled Agni for well-
being”

Pada d is the refrain which occurs at the end of ten, out
of fourteen, verses of this hymn which is addressed to the
Visvedevas.

Like 10, 37, 2 explained above, this verse too seems to
contain a spell for protection. In pada c, I am inclined to

I

agree with Oldenberg (RV. Noten) that spat is an interjec-
tion. amanmahi=hzyt uttered; see the explanation of 10, 138,
1 above.

Regarding the presence of gods at the time of uttering
spells of truth, compare the observations of Burlingame (on
pp. 432-3 1. c.) cited above in the explanation of 4, 1, 13; com-
pare also the passage from the Tantrakhyayika cited above.

I t ' I I .1

(53) 1, 67, 5 : ajo na ksam dadhara prthivim

i ‘ ‘ I I ■ ■ I

tastambha dyatn mantrebhih satyaih(|
Hymn 1, 67 is addressed to Agni and consists of ten dvipadd
verses. The meaning of the above verse is : “Like the Unborn,
he (Agni) supported the wide earth, he supported the sky, by
means of spells of truth”.

Regarding the comparison in pada a, compare 8, 41, 10:

ya skamhhena vi rodasi ajo na dyam adharayat ‘Who has, with
a pillar, supported heaven and earth, as the Unborn supports

the sky’; 10, 82, 6: ajasya ndbhdv adhy ekam arpitam yasmin

III

vikvdni bhuvandm tasthuh ‘The one rests in the navel of the
Unborn in whom all the worlds stand supported’; and 1, 164, 6:

I I ' , , .1 1,11 I

vt yas tastambha sal nne rajdmsy ajasya rupe ktm apt svid ekam

‘Is the one also (resting) in the body of the Unborn who has
supported these six worlds’?

Oldenberg interprets aja as ‘goat’ in SBE. 46, p, 61, and
refers (in his note on p. 62) to his Religion d. Veda, p. 72. I

believe however with Sayana, Geldner [RV. Uber.) and
Bergaigne (III, 21 ff.) that aja signifies here ‘unborn’, that is,
the supreme unborn god.

Pada a, it will be noticed, contains two words ksdm and

prthivim, denoting ‘earth’. Oldenberg (SBE. 46, p. 61) con-
strues the two words with aja and [agni] respectively, and

Part IV] VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 281

translates pad a a as, “As the goat (supports) the earth, thus
he supports the earth”. Ludwig translates the pada as, ‘als

der ungeborene tragt er den wohnsitz, die erde’, and Geldner

(RV. Uber.) as ‘wie der Ungeborene befestigte er den Erdbo-
den’. Sayana interprets ksdm as ‘earth’ and prthivlm as
antarik^am. Grassmann proposes in his Worterbuch (s. v.
ksd) that one should read ksamam instead of ksam, and trans-
lates pada a as ‘Als ew* ger trug er - die Erd’ als Wohnsitz’ in

his RV. Uber. ; and Max Muller conjectures (SBE. 46, p. 62)

that the proper reading is dyam, not ksdm, and that the pada
signifies, ‘He, Agni, supports the earth as the buck the sky’.
Lanman and Hillebrandt propose (see Oldenberg, RV.

Noten) to emend ksdm to ksasam and ksdyam respectively.

i

For my part, 1 am inclined to believe that prthivlm is an
attribute of ksdm and denotes ‘wide’ here. Compare the

I I I

analogous use of the word in 5, 85, 4 : unatti bhumim prthivlm
uta dydm ‘he wets the wide earth and the sky'.

The expression mantrebhih satycnh should be construed
with the word tastambha and with dddhdra also.

>111 I I

(54) 5, 1, 7: pra nu tyam vipram adhvaresu sadhum

agnim hotaram ilate namobhih|

I I ' I I ' I
a yas tatana rodasi rtena

nityam mrjanti vajinam ghrtena||

“They worship him with adorations, Agni, the bard, the hotr
efficient in the sacrifices, who has extended the two worlds by
means of a (spell of) truth. They adorn (him), the beloved,
(like a) racehorse, with ghee”.

In pada c, the idea of supporting is implicit in that of
extending as, without support, the extended worlds would

collapse and the extending futile. The sentence d yas tatdna
rodasi rtena is thus almost synonymous with 1, 67, 5 explained
above. Compare also in this connection 3, 6, 5 : tava kratvd

I I

rodasi d tatantha ‘Thou hast extended the earth and sky by

I III I

means of thy spell’ ; 7, 5, 4 : tvam bhdsd rodasi a tatanthd-

282 JOURNAL OR ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

jasrena ioclsd ioiucdnah ‘Shining with brightness, with inex-
haustible brilliance, thou hast extended the earth and sky’ ; and

I I . I I

3, 5, 10: ud astambhlt samidha ndkam rsvah ‘Becoming strong
by means of billets of wood, he has supported the heaven’.

The spreading of the earth has been mentioned in 10, 62,
3 explained above and has been ascribed to the Ahgirases ; in

4, 50, 1, explained above, Brhaspati is said to have supported
the ends of the earth; and similarly, in 1, 62, 2-7, likewise ex-
plained above, Indra and the Ahgirases are said to have exten-
ded the earth and supported the upper world of heaven, and,
further, Ayasya (i. e., Brhaspati) is also said to have supported
the two worlds. This last-mentioned passage refers to the shat-
tering of the mountain stronghold of Vala, the freeing of the
rivers and the cows, and the winning of the Dawns and the
sun, and mentions Sarama also ; and it hence becomes clear ( 1 )
that the extending and supporting of the two worlds forms
part of the feats connected with, and following, the shattering
of Vala’s fortress, and (2) that the Ahgirases, Indra, Brhaspati
and Sarama were all associated together in these feats, and that
they performed them by using spells of truth.

Now, Agni too is said to be the first Ahgiras in 1, 31, 1 :

tvam agne prathamo angird rs%h ‘Thou, O Agni, art the first
seer Ahgiras (i.e., the best of the seers known as Ahgirases)’; he
is called angiras in about twenty passages (see Grassmann, s. v.
angiras), and the epithet angirasiama is applied to him in 1,

I I .

31, 2 : tvam agne prathamo angirastamah ‘Thou, O Agni, art

the best of those known as ahgirastama (chief of the Ahgi-

1 . . *

rases)’, in 1, 75, 2: athd te angtrastamdgne vedhastana

I I I I

Priyaml vocema brahma sdnasi ‘VVe shall now utter, O Agni
best of the Ahgirases and of wise men, a spell dear to thee,
that will win wealth’, and in four other passages (see Grass-
mann, s. V. ahgirastama). Accompanied by Indra, he is said
to have fought and won the cows. Waters, etc., in 6, 60, 2 :

I II I I I I I

td yodhistam abhi gdindra nunam apah svar usaso agna ulhdh\

I I * ' . , • ' ' ' . '

dUah svar usasa indra extra apo gd agne yuvase myutvdn ‘O

Indra and Agni, ye two have fought for the cows. Waters,
sun, and Dawns that had been carried (away) ; O Indra, thou
givest the directions (i.e., thou dispellest the darkness), the sun,
the beautiful Dawns, the waters and cows, O Agni that drives!

Part IV] VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 283

with a team*. He is said to have shattered forts in 7, 5, 3 :

valjvanara purave soiuc&ndh puro yad agne darayann adldeh
*0 Agni Vaisvanara, when thou didst shine, brilliant, shattering

the forts for the sacrificer* and 1, 59, 6: pra nu mahitvam
vr§abhasya vocam yam puravo vrtrahanam sacante\ vaisv&naro

dasyum agmr jaghanvdn adhunot kasthd ava sambarafn hhet
«I have praised now the greatness of the strong (Agni), the
destroyer of Vrtra whom the sacrificers follow. Agni Vaisva-
nara, destroying the demon, shook the wooden palings (of the
fort) and pierced into (the fortress of) Sambara’; and he is

I I . . I . •

called puramdara in 6, 16, 14 : to,m u tva dadhyann rsih putra
Idhe atharvanah\vrtrahanam puramdara7n ‘The seer Dadhyah,son
of Atharvan, has kindled thee (Agni), shatterer of forts and
destroyer of Vrtra’, and other verses. He is said to have vanqui-

1 1 I

shed the Panis and released the Dawns in 7, 6, 3-41 : ny akratun
grathino mrdhravacah panlnr asraddhan avrdhan ayajn&n

I I I '•f .1 . 1,1 I ,

prapra tan dasyunr agmr vxvdya purvas cakarapardn ayajyun\\
yo apdcine tamasi madantih prdcU cakdra nrtamah ^acibhihl

•I ' ! * , , ' i

tarn \idnam vasvo agntm grnise ndnatam damayaniam prianyUn
“Agni has driven forth the Panis who are without sense, crook-
ed, evil-speaking, without faith, without prayers, without sacri-
fices; being the first, he has made last the unsacrificing demons.
I praise Agni, lord of wealth, unvanquished, the vanquisher of
enemies, the best of heroes, who, by means of spells, made the
(Dawns) that, with faces turned away, were revelling in the
darkness, turn towards (the direction of the sacrificers)”; and
he is praised for making the sun ascend the sky in iO, 156, 4:

I I .1 I I

agne naksatram ajaram a suryam rohayo dxvi\ dadhaj jyoitr
janehhyah “O Agni, giving light to men, thou hast made the
unaging star, the sun, mount, the sky” and 7, 9, 2 : sa sukratur

yo vi dnrah panlndm pundno arkatn puruhhojasam nah ‘he
(Agni) of great insight, who, opening the doors (of the
stronghold) of the Panis, brought into view clearly the sun,
that provides us with many enjoyments’.

All these statements show clearly that, like Indra and
Brhaspati, Agni too was one of the Angirasas, and was associ-
ated with them when, by means of spells of truth, they vanqui-
XIV— 37

284 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

shed the Panis, shattered their mountain-fort, and released the
cows, Dawns, sun, etc. The two verses explained above state
explicitly that it was by means of spells of truth that Agni
extended and supported heaven and earth.

I am now at the end of my material, and we can now
review the results of the above investigation :

(1) The number of RV passages that have been cited
above and that contain references to acts of truth is fifty-four.

(2) The word rta is used in twenty-one of these passages
nos. 1, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26,
27, 28, 48, 49, 52 and 54), the word satya in fifteen^ (nos. 2, 5,
13, 20, 24, 30, 41, 42,43, 44, 46, 47, 49, 51 and 53), and the
word sattna in one (no. 40). In nineteen passages (nos. 3, 4, 6,
7, 8, 9, 10, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 45 and 50),
there is used no word signifying ‘truth*, but only words signi-
fying ‘hymn’ (arka, uktha, kavya, iacl, dhl, dhlti, brahman,
manas, nianyu, vacas, stubh) or ‘roar’ (rava, virava, svara;
arcan, kanikradat, grndna, didhyana, navanta, vdvasana),

(3) The words used to denote ‘spell of truth’ are rta,

I . I I

satya, and in addition, rtajdtd gih (10, 138, 1), rtadhlH (6, 39,
2; 10, 47, 6), satlnamanyu (10,112, 8), satyamantra (1, 20, 4
and 1, 67, 5; 7, 76, 4), and saiyamanyu (2, 24, 14).

(4) the verb kr ‘to do, to make’ is used with satya in two
passages, namely, in 5, 45, 7 and 4, 17, 10 (and also in AV. 4,
18, 1); and verbs meaning ‘to speak, to utter’ are used with
ria in the following six passages: 1, 161, 9 (vadantah) , 4, 33,
6 {ucuh), 10, 138, 1 (manvdnah), 10, 67, 2 (lamsantah), and
4, 1, 13; 4,, 2, 14 and 16 (dsusandh). The expressions rtasya
pravdcanam and satyokti are used in 10, 35, 7 and 10, 37, 2
respectively.

(5) satya signifies ‘act of truth' in five passages (5, 45, 7;
10, 4^ 4; 3, 39, 5; 4, 22, 6: 4, 28, 5), and denotes ‘utterer of
spells of truth’ in 10, 67, 5 and 7, 75, 7.

(6) The actual wording of the spell of truth is given in
three passages only, namely, in 1, 161, 9; 10, 35, 7 and 10, 37,
2 (and also in AV. 4, 18, 1). In the remaining passages there
is merely a reference to spells of truth, and the spell itself is not
given. In connection with such passages, one sh ould compare

1. It will be noted that two passages (nos, 20, 49) contain
both words, satya and rta.

Part IV] VEDIC STUDIES : 1. THE ACT OF TRUTH 285

the following observation of Burlingame on p. 464 1. c. : **By
Acts of Truth, the terms of which the story-teller does not take
the trouble to give, a prince cuts gems in two, a boy catches
wild buffaloes, and an ascetic creates a child out of a flower
(Parker, Village Folk-tales of Ceylon, Vol. I, p. 140; Vol. II,
pp. 28-9, 37).”

(7) Two out of the fifty-four passages (viz. 10,35,7;
10, 37, 2) refer to the employment of spells of truth for the
purpose of protection (this is the case with AV. 4, 18, 1 also).
The other fifty-two passages refer to the employment of such
spells for the purpose of working miracles. The miracles
referred to in nos. 1-10 are the rejuvenation of parents, quad-
ruplication of a drinking cup, making of a self-moving chariot,
etc. ; those referred to in nos. 11-50; 53, 54 are the shattering of
tlie mountain, freeing the cows and Waters, etc.

It is necessary to add that there are references to spells of
truth in some of the other RV verses also. For instance, in 1,

III. II I

142, 2 : etac cana tvo vi ciketad esSm satyo mantrah kaviiasta
rghivdn\ trirahim hanti catura^rir ugra devanido ha prathamd

ajuryan, there is no doubt that satyo mantrafy signifies *spell of
truth’ though the meaning of the verse as a whole is obscure.
Similarly, there is no doubt that a correct understanding of the
other RV verses in which the word rta occurs will show that
there is a reference to spells of truth in some of them. It is
moreover very probable that, besides the passages cited above,
there are in the RV other passages in which Indra or the Angi-
rasas are represented as shattering the mountain and freeing
the cows and Waters, etc., by means of ‘spells’, that is, of
spells of truth.

Finally, it must also be observed that the use of spells of
truth is not confined to the two purposes mentioned above,
namely, for the working of miracles and for ensuring protec-
tion : such spells are used (see the examples given by Bur-
lingame on p. 464 I.c, and by E. Washburn Hopkins in JAOS,
42, 318 ff.) for sapatha also, that is for cursing others, and for
taking oaths (for Vedic examples, see Oluenberg, Religion d,
Veda, p. 416 ff.).

The name sacca-kiriyd however is not usually applied to
acts of ia/>afAa; and hence, such spells of truth do not come
within the scope of this article.

Section II.

The root hjos, £us.

The verb Svas is used in the RV in two stanzas (1, 65, 9;
6, 48, 29) and its participles (h/asat, Mh/asat) in six, while the
verb iwj (which is another form of svas) and its participles are
used in about nine stanzas.

The author of the Vedic Nighantu includes ivasiti in the
list of verbs that signify ‘to kill* (vadha-karmani; 2, 19) while
the Dhatupatha explains its meaning as pranana. Sayana, in
his RV-commentary, makes use of the latter meaning only in
his explanation of the verb ivasiti (1, 65, 9) and the participles
ivasat and ^dsvasat) but the verb upaivdsaya (in 6, 48, 2^) is
explained by him as / aya-ghosena asvdsaya ; yathd loka-dvayam
tvadiyena sabdena dpuritam hhavati tadriam iabdarn kuru. As
for the verb sus and its participles, which, with the exception
of iusantam in 1, 60, 10, occur always in combination with the
prefix & in the RV, he regards susantam in 1, 60, 10 as a parti-
ciple of the root ^us *to dry’ (iw^a iosane) and the words diuse
and diu§dndsah as formed from the root as ‘to pervade {aiu
ydptau) ; he has, in addition, explained dsusdna as (1) diu-
iabdopapaddt sanateh karmani an ^ ; diu stghram sambhaktdrah
diUn sambhaktdro vd and (2) samantdt iosayitdrah in his
explanation of 1, 147, 1. Venkata-madhava, in his commentary
on 1, 30, 16 explains idivasadbhih as atyantam ivasadbhih; and
Skandasvamin too similarly explains that word as atyartham
punah-punar vd ivdsatn kurvadbhih and ivasiti in 1, 65, 9 as
ivasana-sadriain iabdam karoti. Uvata, in his commentary on
VS. 29, 55 (=RV. 6, 48, 29), explains upaivdsaya as upa-
iabdaya, and Mahidhara as upaivdsaya upaiabdaya, ivasih
iabdarthah.

In the PW, Bohtlingk and Roth assign to ivas and ius the
meanings of blasen, zischen, sausen, schnaufen, atmen, seufzen,
aufseufzen. The same meanings, or similar ones, are given to
it by Grassmann also in his Wdrterbuch; but o+i«j is
explained by him not only as schnaufen, anfachen, but also in
Thdtigkeit setzen, anregen, erregen. Similarly, Geldner too

1, This explanation is repeated by him in his commentary
on 5, 36, 4 and 7. 93. 8. also.

Part IV] VEDIC STUDIES : 2. THE ROOT ^VAS-SUS 267

in his RV. Gloss, explains h/as as schnaufen, fauchen, upa-{-
ivisay as dchzen machen, stdhnen machen, drohnen machen, and
fl-f-i«jas(l) antreiben, aneifern, anspornen zu (8, 93,16)
(2) sich anfeiiren, sick bemUhen, sick anstrengen (5, 36, 4; 1,
147, 1 ; 2, 19, 7) (3) betreiben, beschleunigen. sich beeilen mit
(7, 93, 8; 4, 1, 13; 2, 14, 16).

One of the passages cited in the PW in the article on hfos
is Bhattikavya 15,23: sapakso 'dnr ivdc&lin nyaivastt kalpa-
vdyuvat\ abharsid d^vanind lokdn abhrdjista ksaydgnivat
which describes the sallying out of Kumbhakarna to fight
against Rama; and ni-\-h;as here signifies, according to Boht-
lingk and Roth, ‘zischen, schnaufen’. The wind, however, at
the time of the destruction of the universe, does not merely
*blow’, but blows making a loud sound ; compare the epithets
pracanda, ghora, bhlma, and particularly, canda-sabdam
samudirayantam that are applied to the wind in the following
passages that describe the destruction of the universe ;

Matsyapurana (Anandasrama ed.) 166, 4:

vayus ca balavan bhutva vidhunvano 'khilam jagat|
pranapana-samanadyan vayun akarsate HarihH

Bhagavata, XII, 4, 11-12;

tatah pracanda-pavano varsanam adhikam ^atamj
parah samvartako vati | j

Ibid. XII, 9, 10-11 :

brahman vayur abhun mahan|
tarn canda-sabdam samudirayantam
valahaka anvabhavan karalah|j

Brahma-purana 50, ll-13:=[MBh. Ill, 191, 85] :

tatas tarn raarutam ghoram |

adih padmalayo devah pitva svapiti bharata||

MBh. XII, 317, 10-11:

bhaksayamasa bhagavan vayur astatmako bali|
vicarann amita-pranas tiryag urdhvam adhas tatha||
tarn apratibalam bhimam akasam grasate punah|

And thus there can be no doubt that the meaning which the author
of the above stanza intended to convey is: “He moved, (shaking
the earth) like a winged mountain; he roared (as loudly) as
the wind at the time of the destruction of the universe; he

288 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

filled the worlds with his shout; he blazed like the fire destroy-
ing the universe”. Compare in this connection the stanzas
sa langhayitvd prakdram giri-kutopamo mahdn\
niryayau nagardt turnam kumhhakarno mahdhalah\\
nandda ca ntahd-nddafn samudram abhinddayan\
vijayanniva nirghdtdn vidhamanniva parvatdn\\
that have been written by Valmiki when describing the same
event (Ramayana, VI, 66, 1-2).

In other words, there can be no doubt that the verb ivas
signifies *to make a loud sound* in the above stanza, as it does
in the following passages also :

Ramayana, II, 101, 15:

tarn mattam iva matangam nissvasanta!npunah-punah|
bhrataram Bharatatp Ramah parisvajyedam abravit||
‘<Rama embraced his brother Bharata who was roaring loudly,
again and again, like a wild elephant, and said to him’*.

Ibid, ill, 65, 1-2: tapyamanam tada Ramam Sita-harana-

karsitamj

lokanam abhave yuktam samvartakam
ivanalamj |

viksamanam dhanuh sajyam nisivasan-
tam punah*punah[

dagdhu-kamam jagat sarvam yugante
ca yatha Haramlj

“Rama, who was suffering and grieving on account of the
abduction of Sita, who, like the wind at the time of the des-
truction of the universe, was engaged in destroying the worlds,
who, looking at his corded bow, was making a loud' cry again
and again, who, like Kara at the end of the cycle, was desi-
rous of reducing the whole world to ashes'*.

Ibid. V, 5, 14: maha-gajai§ capi tatha nadadbhih
supujitais capi tatha susadbhih|
raraja virais ca vinissvasadbhir
hrada bhujangair iva nisvasadbhih||
“[The city of Lanka] was resplendent with huge elephants
that were roaring, with good men who were honoured, and
with valiant soldiers who were crying loudly, as deep pools are
with serpents making shrill sounds.”

Ibid. VI, 53, 1-2: Dhumraksam nihatam srutva Ravano

rak^aseSvarahj

Part IV] VEDIC STUDIES : 2. THE ROOT 289

krodhena mahatavi§to nillvasann
urago yatha[|

dirgham usnam viniSvasya krodhena
kaluslkrtahj

^*Ravana, king of the raksasas^ hearing that Dhumrak§a was
killed, overcome with anger, making a shrill sound like a ser-
pent, heaving long and hot breaths, excited by anger”.

Ibid. VI, 60, 28: Urdhva-lom&ficita-ianum ivasantam iva

pannagam\

*Tn whose body the hair was standing upright, who was
making a shrill sound like a serpent.”

Ibid, VI, 93, 1 : sa pravisya sabham raja dlnah parama-
duhkhitahj

nisasadasane mukhye simhah kruddha iva
svasanj)

**That king, in dejection and great distress, entered the council-
chamber and sat on the chief seat, roaring like an angry lion”.

Ibid, VI, 70, 87 : Ahgadasya vacah ^rutva pracukrodha

Narantakah|

sanda^ya dasanair ostham nissvasya ca
bhujangavatl |

♦‘Hearing the words of Angada, Narantaka became angry,
biting his lips with his teeth, and making a shrill sound like a
serpent”.

Ibid. VI, 108, 10:

[iaram] sarva-vitrdsanam bhimani ivasantam iva
pannagam\

♦‘[An arrow], terrible, inducing fear in all, and making a
shrill sound like a serpent” likewise ibid. VI, 108, 3 : jagrahasa
laratn diptam niUvasantam ivoragam and Mahabharata VIII,
51, 27: sa paUcada^a ndrdcdn ivasatah pannagdn iva] jighdmsur
hharatalrestham Dhrstadyumno vyapdsrjat. Compare with them
ibid. VII, 117, 5: tato *sya bdndn apardn indrdsant-sama~svandn\
Bhdradvdjo *ntara-preksi presay dmdsa samyuge and 131, 46: te
iardh presitds tena Bhimasenena samyuge\ nipetuh sarvato vtra
kUjanta iva paksinah which employ the terms kujanta iva
Pakfiitah and indrdsani-sama-svanan to denote the sound made
by the flying arrows.

290 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

Compare also the following passages of the Mahabharata :

VI, 106, 67-68:

Parthas tu A^stabhya balac caranau para-viraha|
nijagraha Hrsikesam katham cid dasame pade| |
tata evam uvacartah krodha-paryakuleksanamj
nissvasantam yatha nagam Arjunah pranayat sakha||

VII, 15, 25:

te gade gadinam Sresthe samasadya parasparamj
svasantyau naga-kanyeva sasrjate vibhavasuml|
(Compare with this the passage, suiruve diksu sarvdsu tayoh
purusa-simhayoh\ gadabhigata-samhradah sakrdiani-ravopamah
occurring in the third verse following:)]

VII, 87, 1-3 :

tasyam nisayam vyustayam Dronah sastra-bhrtam
varah]

svany anikani sarvani prakramad vyuhitum tatah[|
suranam garjatam rajan samkruddhanam amarsinam]
sruvante sma giras citrah paraspara-vadhaisinam||
vispharya ca dhanumsy anye jyah pare parimrjya ca|
vinisvasantah prakrosan kvedanim sa Dhanamjayahjj
VII.98, 3-4:

samprasruta-krodha-viso vyad it asya-sarasan ah |
tiksna-dharesu-dasanah sita-naraca-darnstravan| |
samrambhamarsa-tamrakso mahoraga iva svasan]
nara-virah pramuditah sonair asvair maha-javaih||

VII, 99, 50-51:

tatra tatra mahesvasaih svasadbhih sonitoksitaih]
hayair nagais ca sambhinnair nadadbhis carikarsana] |
samrabdhais caribhir viraih prarthayadbhir jayam
mrdhe|

ekasthair bahubhih kruddhair usmeva samaiayatall
VII, 127, 61 :

atha Bhimas tu tac chrutva guror vakyam asesatahj
kruddhah provaca vai Dronam rakta-tamreksanah
svasan [ |

VII, 259, 2-4:

ayam sa kalah samprapto mitranam mitra-vatsalaj
trayasva samare Karna sarvan yodhan maha-rathan | j
Pancalair Matsya-Kaikeyaih Pandavais ca maha-
rathaih]

Pam IV] VEDIC STUDIES: 2. THE ROOT SVAS-SUS 291

vrtali samantat samkruddhair ni^svasadbhir ivoragaih|
ete nadanti saiphrstah Pandava jita-kasinah|
sakropamas ca bahavah Pancalanatn ratha*vrajah||
Ibid. VII,204,44ff.:

tatas cakrsatur Bhimam sarva-sastrayudhani ca|
Narayanastra-santy-artharp Nara-Narayanau balat[|
akrsyamanah Kaunteyo nadaty eva maha-ravamj
vardhate caiva tad ghoratn Drauner astram sudur-
jayamlj

tarn abravld Vasudevah kim idam Pandu-nandana]
varyamano’pi Kaunteya yad yuddhan na nivartase|l
yadi yuddhena jcyah syur ime Kaurava-nandanah|
vayam apy atra yudhena tatha ceme nararsabhahjj
rathebhyas tv avatirnah sma sarva eva hi tavakah|
tasmat tvam api Kaunteya rathat turnam apakrama] |
evam uktva tatah Krsno rathad bhumim avartayat}
nissvasantam yatha nagam krodha>sarnrakta-IocanamI |
yada ‘pakrs^ah sa rathan nyasitas cayudham yudhij
tato Narayanastram tat prasantain satru-tapanaml|

The root Ivas signifies *to make a loud (or shrill) sound’ in
these passages. In VI, 106, 68, niihjasantam yath& nQgam=:
roaring like an elephant ; in VII, 87, 3, vinilvasantah prdkroian
means ‘making a loud sound, they cried out ; they cried out
loudly’, and vinUhjasantah is synonymous with garjatdm in the
preceding verse and with simha-nSdam cakruh used frequently
elsewhere on similar occasions. Similarly, in VII, 201, 19,
niUvasantam yatha nagam signifies 'roaring loudly like an
elephant' ; compare the expression nadaty eva moharavam in
V. 15 preceding.

It should be noted that the meanings blasen, zischen,
sausen, schnaufen, atmen, seufzen, aufseufzen, etc., given in the
PW and Grassmann’s Worterbuch for Ivas are wholly inappro-
priate in expressions like mattam iva matahgam niiivasantam
and simhah kruddha ivasvasan, and that the only meaning that
fits the word there is ‘to make a loud sound ; to shout ; to
roar’. This is the signification of Ivas in almost all the ?.V
passages also where it occurs, as I shall now show.

I 1 ' ' J,

(1) 1, 65, 9: svasity apsu hamso na sidan

' ' I II

kratva ceti§tho visam u§arbhutj(

XIV— 38

292 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XlV

**He [Agni] makes a loud sound, like a swan about to sit in
water; most distinguished by insight, he wakes at dawn among
the people”.

Pada a seems to be a continuation of the preceding: verse,
I , I .. I _ I _ I I I

yaa vatajuto vand vy asthad agnir ha ddti romd prthivydh, and

the meaning of the three padas is, “When, impelled by the
wind, Agni has spread through the forests, he shears the hair
{i.e., the vegetation) of the earth, making a loud sound like a

swan about to sit in water”. Compare 10, 45, 4: akrandad

agnih stanayann iva dyauh ksdmd rerihad vtrudhah samanjan
‘Licking the earth again and again, consuming the plants, Agni
made a loud sound like the thundering sky'; 1, 94, 10:

yad ayukthd arusd rohid rathe vatajutd vrsahhasyeva te ravah\

^ • It II I I I *

dd ifivasi vanina dhutnaketuttdgne sakhye md risdtnd vayatn

tava ‘When thou hast yoked to the chariot the two bright red
horses, the roar is like that of a bull ; thou then movest to the
trees with thy smoke-bannered (chariot) ; may we not, in thy

friendship, O Agni, suffer any injury” ; 1, 58, 2 : d svam adma
yuvamdno ajaras trsv avisyann atasesu UsthaH\ atyo na prstham

prusitasya rocate dii’o na sdmu stanayann acikradat ‘Grasping
his food, he (Agni), the unaging, spreads among the brush-
wood greedily consuming; the back of the burning one shines

like that of ahorse; he roared like the ridge of heaven'; 1, 58.

I • . ' , . • I I I

4: vt vdtajuto atasesu tisthaie vrthd juhubhih srnyd tuvisvanih

‘Driven by the wind and roaring loudly, he (Agni), spreads
impetuously among the brushwood with his sickle-lige tongues'.
In these verses, the loud sound made by Agni when consuming
the vegetation is compared to the roaring of a bull or to
thunder, while, in 1, 65, 9, it is compared to the loud cry of a

swan. This latter forms the M/>amd«a in 3, 53, 10: hamsd iva

I I

krnutha Mokam adribhih ‘Like swans, ye make a loud sound

with stones', and 10, 67, 3: hamsair iva sakhibhir ^manma*

I I

ydni nahand vyasyan ‘Loosening the bonds of stone in the

company of friends who were making a loud sound like swans'.

I II I 1

Compare also 10, 68, 1 : udapruto na vayo rak^amdnd vavadato

Part IV] VEDIC STUDIES: 2. THE ROOT SVAS-SUS 293

abhrtyasyeva ghosah ‘making loud sound like . . . aquatic birds
resonant like the sounds produced by clouds*.

Pada a has been translated as ‘he hisses like a swan^ by
Geldner {RV. Uber.)f Oldenberg (SBE. 46, p. 54), Grassmann
(RV. Uber.) and Ludwig. This rendering however seems to
me to be quite untenable. In the first place, the sound made
by a swan is not a ‘hiss* at all; it is a sort of cackle (see
Apte*s Dictionary f. v. hamsa-nada) or squawk and is denoted
in classical Sanskrit literature by words like jalpita (cp.
Harsacarita, Nirnayasagara ed., p. 81-12, 13: virali-bhavati
varatanarn vesanta-sayininam manjuni manjira-sinjita-jade
jalpite). nada (cp. Naisadhtyacarita 1, 117: riramsu-hamsi-
kala-nada-sadaram ; Bhaitikdvya 2, 7: akarnayann utsuka-
hamsa-nadan), (cp. Kir&tarjunlya 4, 30: sita-cchadanam
apadisya dhavatam rutai (v.l. ravai) ramlsarn grathitah
patatrinam), kujita (cp. ibid. 4, 1: tatah sa kujat-kala-hamsa-
mekhalam; Subh&sitaratnabhdndagara, 1911 ed., p. 350, v. 33:
tanurhani puro vijitadhvaner dhavala-paksa-vhiafigama-kujitaih)
jagalur aksamayeva likhandinah) and krenkdra (cp. Hema-
candra’s scholium on his Kdvydnuldsana, p. 12: helandolita-
hamsa-sarasa-kula-krefikara-sammurchitaih) all which words
denote loud sounds. In the RV itself, the sound of the swan
is referred to by the words Hokam kr and vavad in the two
verses cited above. The only other reference in it to the

sound of the swan is, according to Grassmann (Worter.) in 4,
II I . ' 1

45, 4: hamsdso ye vdm madhumanto asridho hiranyatarnd

uhuva usarbudhah where the epithet uhuvah is interpreted by
him as ‘making a loud cry (schreiendy. Compare also Mac-
donell’s observation, ‘These birds are described as dark in
colour in the back ; they fly in troops, swim in the water, make
loud noises, and are wakeful at night* in Vedic IndeXf Vol. 2,
s.v. hamsa.

Secondly, the sound made by Agni too is referred to in
the RV by words like krand, nad, stan, all signifying ‘to make
a loud sound to roar*. This sound is also, in the passages

I I

cited above and in many others (e.g. 5, 25, 8: uto te tanyatur

I I . I II I

yathd svdno artha tmand divah; 7, 3, 10: dtvo na te tanyatur

etiiusmah; 3, 2, 11: vrsd citresu nanadan nasimhah), com-
pared to the roaring of a bull, a lion or thunder ; and hence

294 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [V 0 L.XIV

there can be no doubt that, as in the passages cited above from
the Ram and MBh, so in 1, 65, 9 too, ivas signifies <to make
a loud sound* and not ^to hiss'*

(2) 6,47, 29: upa svasaya prthivim uta dyam

' J . . . ‘ .

purutra te manutam visthitam jagat

I I 'j *■ ■ I

sa dundubhe sajur indrena devair
durad davfyo apa sedha satrunjl
^‘Make the earth and heaven resound, let the extended world
praise thee in many ways. With Indra and the gods, O drum,
derive the enemies further and further".

All interpreters, including Sayana and Uvata, are agreed
that upasvasaya in this verse is equivalent to upa^abdaya,
iabdena Qpuraya. Compare also the words dkrandaya, nistanihi

and apaprotha in the next verse : a krandaya balam ojo na &
dhO, nth stanihi durita badhamdnah apa protha dundubhe

ducchund ita tndrasya mustir asi vtlayasva “Make a loud
sound, O drum and confer on us strength and vigour! peals
driving away difficulties, blare away evil-disposed person,
from here. Thou art the first of Indra, show thyself strong".

THE CONCEPT OF KEYNOTE IN THE TAITTIRIYA

PRATISAKHYA

BY

C. R. Sankaran,

Poona.

{Continued from page 241 1 Vol. XIV)

il

qFsl^#.5T ^ II

^ g II

^ ^sg (i: I)

gcT^iS'^i ftcfhwq ijflRTOT: \\

(Nar. Siksa i, vii, Verses S, 9 and 10)
The commentary says : —

n

The following is a table showing the distribution of svaras
to various Srutis according to the verses quoted above and the

commentary.

mm

TABLE 1.

gi?t

sm

sn^iar, ff, »i«^

ft

under different condi-
tions

8Sart

!!Ihi

«iRiwi5

Om

296 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

As a result of the gradual decrease of one Sruti of the
Madhyamagrama vIna of Bharata which is called Dhruva vIna
by Matanga, we get the following result that no Sruti is gained,
i.e., no two notes coincide with each other as the Table No. 2
shows. Table No. 3 shows the fixation of Srutis and notes in
Madhyamagrama vina.

TABLE NO. 2

TABLE NO. 3

1 .

2 .

3.

4. C

7. D

8 .

9. E

10 .

11 .

12 .

13. F

14.

15.

16.

17. G

18.

19.

20. A

21 .

22. B

1 .

2 .

Dipta

Ayata

Mrdu

Madhya

Karuna

Madhya

Mrdu

Dipta

Ayata

Dipta

Ayata

Mrdu

Madhya

Mrdu

Madhya

Ayata

Karuna

Karuna

Ayata

Madhya

Dipta

Madhya

Dipta

Tivra

Kumudvati

Manda

Chandovati

Dayavati ^

Ran jam

Raktika

Raudri ft

Krodha

Vajrika ^

Prasarini

Priti

Marjani

Ksiti *1

Rakta

Samdipani

Alapini

Madanti ?

Rohini

Ramya

Ugra ^

KsobhinI
Tivra %

The distribution of Svaras acording to Table No. 3 is in
agreement with that in Table No. 1 but for the fact that the
Sruti assigned for Sadja according to Table No. 1 is
while according to Table No. 3 is

Pakt IV] THE CONCEPT OF KEYNOTE

297

can be assigned to Ayata, Mrdu and Madhya (Srutis
11, 12 and 13) too (of course under different conditions),
according to Table No. 1. If we designate now Nisada in
Table No. 3 as Sadja and correspondingly change the nomencla-
ture of the subsequent notes in order, then we get the following
results.

TABLE NO. 4

Svaras of
Table No. 3

1.

DIpta

cfim

2.

Ayata

fgscft .

3.

Mrdu

ifel

4.

Madhya

5.

Karuna

6.

Madhya

7.

Mrdu

8.

Dipta

ft

9.

Ayata

10.

Dipta

n

11.

Ayata

12.

Mrdu

13.

*Madhya

14.

Mrdu

15.

Madhya

m

16.

Ayata

17.

Karuna

18.

Karupa

q

19.

Ayata

20.

Madhya

21.

Dipta

22.

Madhya

^ifqofr

1.

Dipta

k

2.

Ayata

Converted

Svaras

ft

»T

q

&

298 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [VoL, XIV

3. Mrdu

4. Madhya

[Tables 2 and 3 are reproductions of Supplements 1 and 2
from Mr. M. R. Telang’s “The 22 Srutis of Indian Music — A
complete exposition — Being a lecture delivered before the
Bombay branch of the Royal Asiatic Society on 22nd April
1931. "Poona 1933” pages 22-23]

Column 4 of Table No. 4 agrees with the fixation of notes
to the proper Srutis in the Kafii Raga of Hindustini musici.

According to Venkata Makhin, the following is the distri-
bution of Svaras to Srutis for our Raga, Kharaharapriya (the
22nd Mela) which he calls — [the nearest approach to

Saman scale. See below.]

1 .

2 .

3.

4.

5.

6 .

7.

8. ft

9. n

10 .

11 .

12. *1

13.

14.

15.

16. ^

17.

18.

19.

20 .

21. W

22 .

TABLE NO. 5

1. Vide

7 .

Published by Mr.Bhalachandra Sitaram Sukathankar m.a.,l.l.b., 2
Malabar Hill, Bombay, page 7.

2. Vide Verse 6 page 1. Caturdandi Prakasika of

Venkata Makhin — Madras Music Academy Series No. 3.

Cf. i

Vide ibid Verse 134 ?. Y« (page 47)

Here the assignment of the eighth Sruti to Rsabha and the
twenty first Sruti to Dhaivata is in agreement with what we find
in column 3 of Table No 4. Doubtless we may be sure that in the
Saman scale this was the original distribution of Srutis to these
notes Rsabha and Dhaivata which were the keynotes. (See below).

Part IV] THE CONCEPT OF KEYNOTE 299

Just as at one time in the early history of Vedic music, when
only three notes were known, there was occasionally a leap to
reach the fourih, even so at a later stage of Vedic music when
six notes were only known there should have been now and
then a leap to touch the seventh the (our which

was undoubtedly an ‘extra-note’^

Prior to the emergence of as a distinct and sepa-

rate note in the Saman scale, it was perhaps contained within
the embryo of (our One could appreciate the

tenability of this guess if one bears in mind that the nearest
approach to Saman scale is our Raga Kharaharapriya 2

It can be clearly seen that in the ^3? of that

Raga, %TttT%RqR (b flat) is merged and it cannot escape one’s
observation that we pass through this to reach the said
sit is not unlikely that at a later stage this was

1. Cf. Fox Strang ways. Music of Hindostan page, 260.

2. According to M. Seshagiri Sastri (Descriptive Catalogue
Vol. I Vedic Literature, First part, pages 76-78. (Saman scale cor-
responds to the Raga Abhogi, which is but a /anya(a derivative) of
the parent Khqraharapriy&. It is to be remembered that the Raga

Abhogi is and also and in the Sama Veda chant,

the sixth note and the seventh occur very rarely;

hence it is that M. Seshagiri Sastri says that the melody of the
Sama Veda which is uniform, may be identified with the Raga,
called Abhogi, which itself is a derivative Raga referred to the

original Kharaharapriya and whose notes are ^ ft q

Swami Vipulananda of Ceylon, in his lecture on “A Study
of the mathematical basis of ancient Tamil music” delivered under
the auspices of the Madras University on the 24th February, 1936
observed that it was evident that the first note of the ancient
Tamil musical scale was Madhyama and that the first Raga of the
ancient Tamilians was also the Kharaharapriya. [Vide also the
report of the lecture in the Hindu of the 25th February, 1936, page
14, Column 3.j

3. The following is Venkata Makhin’s definition of the Raga
Kharaharapriya (which he chooses to call

XIV— 39

300 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

recognised to be a distinct and separate onei.

In all probability, in days when instrumental music was
little known or unknown (almost in prehistoric times), it is
very likely that a reversal in the order of svaras like

(instead of the regular was retained, purely as a matter

of convenience and audibility 2 .

tel: 3 II

#0 U? — (verses 132-133)

V\9 (page 47)

Compare also the following :

II

i$r: ^ II

Svaramelakalanidhi Verses 16 and 17, page 22.

Mr. M. S. Ramaswamy Iyer's edition.

Ramamatya explains in the following stanzas what he means
by Pancasruti Rsabha and Pancasruti Dhaivata.

II

W: ||

ibid . Verses 53, 54, 55 and 56, page 12.

^ee also ibid Introduction page XXVI and f. n. 1 and page
xxix and f. n. 2 also page XXXVI and f. n. 2.

1. was the last addition to the lower end.” Vide
Contributions to the study of Ancient Hindu Music by P.R. Bhan-
darkar Indian Antiquary Volume XLI, page 163.

2. It must be in very ancient times that the instrumental music
was unknown in India for in the Taittiriya Samhita 7, 5, 9
reference is made to the Vdna, lute with a hundred strings and
the BhUmi Dundubhi, the Earth-Drum, whicli pefhaps has its
equivalent now in the Ghata Vadyam.

(VideiN. K. Venkatesan, Musical Instruments in Ancient
India.

Part IV] THE CONCEPT OF KEYNOTE 301

Sayana, doubtless properly understood that the Saman
scale was a downward series as is evidenced by the following
passages in his commentary on Samavidhana Brahmana. Says
he in his commentary on the following :

(Burnell’s edition of Samavidhana Brahmana I, i| 8.)

•

I)

(Burnell’s edition, page 4.)

Again on JBg: sn^ ^

(Samavidhana Brahmana, I, i, 14.)

Says Sayana : —

jnnqfafen

(Burnell’s edition, page 8.)

But perhaps being influenced by the fact that the avarohi
(descending order) in secular music of his time came to be
firmly established in the following order : —

'T, »T, iT, ft, Sayana rather uncritically equated
them with ^ etc. Hence in his Bhasya on
he says the following: —

1 cT^^ii m b fs:, W: w*?:, wi:
#MI

Dharmarajya, 16th November, 1935.)

5fiq: grrarfti

T. S. 7, 5, 9. Anandasrama series, No. 42, part 8, pages 4716-7.

1. I am unable to see on what basis Mr. Swarup assumes
that 5® etc., correspond respectively to ft, *T, B, q, «r

of secular scale(Ftd^ Swarup’s theory of Indian Music, chapter III
and IV, p. 18ff.)

Mr. C. V. V’aidya also, to my mind, does not clearly state his
views regarding the point. Vide his History of Sanskrit Litera-
ture Volume I — Sruti (Vedic) period — Section I — Sarahitas IX.
Samaveda, page 116 also. ibid. Note 1. Sama singing, page 12L

302 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [ Vol, XIV

Thus we see that the Trtiya Svara in Saman chant is
our Rsabha. We learn that this Trtiya Svara was significantly
called dhrta, from Vaidikabharana (a commentary on Taittiriya
Prdtisdkhya) by Garga Gopalayajvan. Says he : —

ii 5>55iqRfea"iqi I ‘qg^q^^iS^qiq’i

;jqq^f|^I q«q cftqqR^T^ I!

(Vide Mysore edition of Taitt. Frat, page 451. )i

We learn also that the Trtiya Svara of the Saman scale
and pracaya are identical. Says Gopalayajvan : —

I 3T?t ^

(xxi. lo.) f(a gs^i^fqq jfa: qqq^^lh sqq^cr l

a^qi^aiqi^^rasrqqqi^^ qqisaiq ^ ftlroq, il

(ibid, page 451.)

Again :—

fesi«ng: ara^ra^l^ftst’^^r^rat:

Mahiseya Bhasya on Taitt Prat. XXIII, 16. Also
see on XXIII, 17.

Venkatarama Sharma’s edition, Madras University
Sanskrit Series, No. I, page 184).

1 cf

(I'aitt. Prat. XXIII, 15.)
Mahiseya Bhasyam (Madras University, Sanskrit Series,
No I, page 184, 1930.)

qq: ^ fcq4: |

qgqfqr i gefiq^

'jqsrqq I

^q??qqf^; qq: i
, fli^rqqqqi 1 1
^gqqq^^qtqr i

^4^qT?qRq»q 3 Il

3^iq?3 qq: |

303

Pam IV] THE CONCEPT OF KEYNOTE

Further we have ^FTT^*. (Vaidikabharana—

Mysore edition of Taitt. Prat. Page 516.)

The identification of with the of the

Saman music is further supported by the following verses
from Sarvasammata ^iksd which describe the denotation of the
accents by means of the fingers : —

(?) II

3?^ ft q^vFiO R 3^ I

cTRIJ^ 3^ II

3^ ft fft ?si'ct: I
ftK-.qR wqi^ ii
m fti ‘q I

qiftgiRimqiniwrrcT^^qj^Rf R«qqlf|qT3^^qRcT3^^-
Rftftlig, I q^PciicRif —
cT^^qift qiftsift cfVpfiftqq-cqqiR, |

R«qRI|/^R’£q Wfci; ft^q^ i|

3{fftR qqftRT^q ^qiR qiftgiqT ariftq q^35lTRqpn^^
9Rifiq;iqT ^ qlfq%?qiq if«rifiif5!qr q’^qq q^ ^ 3^^pr-
ftft ft^iq^ n

1. This stanza occurs in Sabhapati’s Dharanalaksana. Vide
Catalogue of a collection of Sanskrit Manuscripts, page 143. by
Burnell, Part IV Vedic manuscript.

2. Sarvasammata Siksa as quoted by Kielhorn. Remarks on
the Siksas. Indian Antiquary Volume V, page, 198. cf. also V 44
of Paniniya Siksa.

^3^0^ qlfeqf %nq: srqq »f«qRTSWftyqL II

3 II

(There is an extra syllable in the first Padat.)

304 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

It is clear, therefore, that the word dhrta in the sutra

(Taitt. Prat, xviii, 3.)

had a special signification and connoted the idea of keynote,
for the production of is sustained and steady, unlike

the production of (where the voice all at once rises to a

high pitch), the production of (where the voice rises
in the first half of the syllable to a level still higher than that
of and the production of (where the voice sinks

to a low level).

Thus we see at one time in the history of Vedic music,
the fourth note, the came to be distinguished from

the other three svaras, udatta, anudaita and svarita and as the
concept of keynote gradually grew, it was significantly
christened as by the author of the Taittirlya Prati-

jgakhya.

[That the word dhrta is a significant technical term for
keynote is amply borne out by the fact that the Trtiyasvara of
the Samaii music (i.e. our Rsabha) which was identical
with pracaya was also called dhrta in later times,] ^

1. Bharata says that if the Sadja grama is increased by
three srutis in all, then the Rsabha and Dhaivata in the Sadja-
grama coincide with the Sadja and Pancama of the Madhyama-
grama Vina.

^ II K K

3 wi: l 1

(Vide also Contributions to the study of Ancient Indian
music, by P. R. Bhandarkar, page 193, footnotes 46, 47, Indian
Antiquary, Volume XLI.)

gfcRTTfjgr I

I l

Part IV] THE CONCEPT OF KEYNOTE

305

In this connection, it is ..useful to remember that in
ancient Indian music, the wire (of the Vina) upon which the
melody was played, was not tuned to ma as it is now but to
riK In Grecian (Dorian) music also, the octave was perhaps
taken from ft to ft®.

For Strangways seems to have recognised, though some-
what vaguely, that the was the keynote in Saman music.

For he says that the was in principle the forerunner of the
drone frequently relegated to the drum*.

The Paniniya Siksa contains the following stanza : —

(28th chapter, 'I. 22, pages 318-319. Kasi Sanskrit Series, No. 60)
Looked at from this point of view also, there is no impropriety of
Rsabha of the §adja Grama Vina being the keynote of Saman
music.

1. See the Ragas of Hindustan. Volume I — The theory of
Indian Music, Philharmonic Society of Western India, Poona,
1918, page 13.

Cf. also Clements, Introduction to the study of Indian Music,
page 32.

2 Cf. Swarup, Theory of Indian Music, page 32.

“The following are the six authentic ecclesiastical modes,
keys or scales of Glarean, a learned theoretician, with the
incorrect Greek names he assigned to them.

[Dodeca chordon (Basle 1547)].

Ionic

Doric

Phyrygian

Lydian

Mixolydian

Eolic

CDEFGABC

DEFGABCD

EFGABCDE

FGABCDEF

GABCDEFG

ABCDEFGA

Vide Helmholtz. The Sensations of tone. English transla-
tion by A. J. Ellis London. Third edition, 1895, page 245,

3. Vide Music of Hindostan, page 247, f. n.^ 2,

306 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

The Yajnavalkya Siksa has the following instead2: —

q^«qjiq?aqr: n

which in substance means the same thing.

“The ancient and authoritative writers on Indian Music
have employed three terms udatta, anudatta and svarita in
their treatises and have assigned definite meanings to them, the
udatta is to be chanted on Nisada or gandhara notes, the
anudatta on rsabha or dhaivata, and the svarita on sadja,
madhyama, or paUcama notes. The stanzas from the siksas say
the same thing in effect, in that they assign two notes to each
of the three terms. Thus they have constituted two alternative
sets of notes : rsabha, gandhara, and madhyama or dhaivata,
nisada and sadja for anuddtta, ud&tta and svarita respectively S'

1. Vide Narada Siksa i, viii. Verse 8. cf. also the follow-
ing:—

(Nanyadeva’s Bharatabhasya, Chapter II, page 18.)

cf. Muller Rk Pratisakhya, p. cclxxii

2. Yajnavalkya Siksa. Verse 7, 8iksa Samgraha, Benares
Sanskrit Series.

The previous verse in Yajnavalkya Siksa is the following : —
^ |
cl T?;q ^ qq ^^rqq: ||

Siksa Samgraha, page 1, Benares Sanskrit Series. The Yajna-
valkya Siksa thus directly tells us that the Vedic accent was
musical. Vide James G. Forlong Fund, Vol. VII, Critical studies
in the Phonetic observations of Indian Grammarians by Siddhesh-
war Varma, The Royal Asiatic Society, London. 1929.

3. Vide. A stanza from Panini’s Siksa by G. S. Khare in
Bhandarkar Commemoration Volume, p. 339 ff. See also Mr. M.S.
Raniaswamy Iyer’s Introduction to Rdgavibodha p. 32 ff.

307

Part IV] THE CONCEPT OF KEYNOTE

Ri being samvadi of dhaivata^, and therefore if the former
was the keynote, we must naturally expect that the latter also
to be such.

1. As the interval between the two notes is 13 Srutis, when
Ri is taken as Sadja, then dha would be Pancama. The name
given to (our ^1^) can thus be shown to be significant:

“Bharata says that two notes whose mutual distance consists of
nine or thirteen srutis should be considered to be mutually con-
cordant {Samvadi) or capable of enhancing each other’s melody.
Even later writers namely Dattila and Matanga recognise the same
number of Srutis as constituting the interval between two con-
cordant notes”.

I

q«IT

(28th chapter p. 317. 20) .

Calcutta 2. 'I- Y. (page 53, 'T. 4.)

^ (pages 16, ^ 's)

Trivandrum Sanskrit Series 94.

“It follows from Bharata’s recognition of Madhyama and
Pancama to be the notes concordant with sadja, that there should
be nine Srutis between sadja and Madhyama and an interval
containing thirteen Srutis between Sadja and Pancama”.

Similarly the interval between Rsabha and Dhaivata must be
13 Srutis. Mr. Telang has conclusively proved that Bharata recog-
nised in the first instance 24 Srutis in an octave assigning four to
Sadja, four to Rsabha, two to Gandhara, four to Madhyama, four
to Pancama, four to Dhaivata and two to NisUda on the ground
that the first Sruti of Rsabha below sadja as also the first Sruti of
Dhaivata below Pancama were discordant and therefore prejudicial
to melody.

Somanath’s Ragavibodha. -WTo Y,

(Verse 38, page 4)
Mr. M. S. Ramaawamy Iyer’s edition.]

Bharata must have refrained from assigning names to them.
The twenty-two Srutis alone attained celebrity and recognition.

Vide. The 22 Srutis of Indian Music: A Complete exposition,
being a lecture delivered before the Bombay branch of the Royal
Asiatic Society on 22nd April 1931 by Mr. M. R. Telang, Poonai'
1933. p. 33ff.

XIV— 40

308 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

This is what we actually find also in Saman chant, for the
final tone 5 = as in S V 1, 1, 2 (Ed I, p. 95) barhiSsi-

H4'5 represents the keynote of Sanian^.

It is interesting to note in this connection that according
to Mr. Clement’s opinion, the ancient suddha-vikrta system
was based upon Bharatamata which had *Dha* for keynote
(Vide Mr. M. S. Ramaswamy Iyer’s Introduction to Svaramela-
kalanidhi p. xxx.)

Another interesting fact is that the choice of Suddha-scale
by a classical author Ahobala begins from ft which is taken as

He arrived at the Raga Kaphi which corresponds to Khara-
harapriya of the Carnatic music (Vide ibid page xxx.).

^ oqqRqfqi I

1|2

1. Vide. Laksmana Srauti's edition of Sama Veda Samhita-

Veyaganap. 2. J. M Van der Hoogt. The Vedic chant

studied in its textual and melodic form, page 42.

2. Mr. V. N. Bhatkande alias Pandit Catura . — Laksya
Sathgita page 11, Verses 101 and 105, Nirnayasagar edition. See
also A short Historical survey of the music of upper India (A
reproduction of the speech delivered by Mr. V.N. Bhatkande at the
BarodaAll India Music Conference in 1916). Bombay 1917 page
29. Mr. M. R. Telang is of the opinion that the natural scale as
propounded by Bharata Natya Sastra and Sarhgadeva’s Samgita-
ratnakara, was also the scale of Kafi Raga being exactly that
laid down in the Parijata. Mr. Ganpatrao Gopalrao Barve is
reported to have made an attempt to reconcile the current
Bilaval scale with the 22nd Srutis mentioned in the Sloka:

It is reported also that the error was emended later on, sub-
sequent to Mr. Ganpatrao Gopalrao Barve’s visit to Mr. Telang
when the former learnt from the latter that the scale formed
according to the Srutis laid down in the Sloka was not the Bild-
vala scale but the scale of the K&fi Raga (See, Nadalahari by Mr.
Ganpatrao Gopalrao Barve, pp. 119-121).

309

Part IV] THE CONCEPT OF KEYNOTE

<^The Buddha scale of Samglta Parijata is the same as that
of our modern Kaphi Raga. This scale will correspond with
the southern scale BCaraharapriyat.

Whitney ventured the conjecture whether the mode of
writing the accents might not have been without influence on
the theory as to its character— that is to say, that the vedic
phonetists may have come by an after thought to declare that
the pracaya syllables of acute tone, and to pronounce them so
because they agreed with the acute in being without a sign of
accent, while originally no such correspondence in character
was perceived or signified.

Vide. The 22 Srutis of Indian Music, A Complete Exposition,
being a lecture delivered before the Bombay Branch of the Royal
Asiatic Society on 22nd April 1931, by Mr. M. R. Telang, Poona
1933, pages 5 — 6 and also page 20.

I, Cf. ^ ^ ^ I

9 — ^qrf^^iT: (I

Samglta Parijata by Ahobala edited by Kali vara Vedantaba-
gl§a and larada Prasada Ghosha (Calcutta 1879), Verse 66. It
must be remembered that in the Raga Kharaharapriya of Carnatic
music, rsabha is the Hence it is not unlikely the rsabha

was originally the It may be useful to remember in this

connection that **there would be no chronological obstacle to
supposing that the mode of accentuation which first appears in
Greek papyri of the first century B. C. as in the Bacchylides
papyrus, kenjon, Bacchylides, Introduction, p. xx, Palaeography
of Greek Papyri, p. 28 may have been derived, directly or mediate-
ly, from the celebrated school of Panini — the great Indian gram-
marian.'*

Vide, “On Ancient Greek Accentuation,” by J. P. Postgate
Proceedings of the British Academy, Vol. XI, page 49.

{To be continued)

TIRUKKALUKKUNRAM.

S. R. Balasubrahmanyan, m.a., l.t.,
Chidambaram.

Tirukkalukkunram has one of the most ancient and most
sacred of Siva temples in the Tamil’s land. It is situated about
nine miles south east of Chingleput on the South Indian Rail-
way and is easily accessible by bus. Its importance is greatly
enhanced as it lies midway on the road to Mamallapuram, a
great port and emporium, of the Pallavas, enriched by immortal
art, the oldest of rock-cut and structural temples and large-scale
sculptures on single pieces of rock. The term “Tirukkaluk-
kunram” means the “Hill worshipped by the Kites”; “Pakshi-
tirtham is its Sanskrit equivalent; and various other names
have been given to it.

Legends.

Many legends are associated with Tirukkalukkunram.
According to one of them, the Vedas are believed to remain in
this place in the shape of the hills. This explains the .origin of
the names Vedagiri, Tirumalai, Srutimalai, Vedapporrai and
Maraikkodu. For having slighted and disobeyed Siva’s
orders, Nandidevar is said to have done penance to the Lord
of this place and gained salvation. Thus the place has derived
the name Nandipuri. Tilottama of the celestial region came in
the shape of a cow to disturb Nandideva's penance. Nandi
came to know of it and cursed her to remain a cow till the- Kali
age, promising her release at the hands of the Chola King,
Suraguru. Sage Markandeya too is said to have performed
penance in the forest of this region. Mayeekan who
was a Rakshasa, assumed the form of a boar and caused
trouble to the creatures of the forest. Markandeya pronounced
a curse upon him making the Rakshasa retain his beastly
form till his liberation at the hands of Suraguru.

Suraguru, a legendary Chola king, ruled the land with
Kadalmallai (Mamallapura*m) as his capital. Once, while he
was on a hunt, he aimed an arrow at the boar but it missed the
mark and hit Tilottama, the celestial being in the shape of the
cow. The King was pious and good-natured, so the Lord

Part IV] THIRUKKALUKKUNRAM 311

caused the sin of killing the cow to be expelled in the shape
of a crow, and the place where the crow fell became a rock,
on the southern side of the Lord's Hill. Now the rock is
known by the name of the ‘Crow's Hill'.

Vishnu, it is related, committed sin b}'’ murdering the
wife of Bhrghu who had given shelter to some Asuras. In
expiation of the sin, Vishnu is said to have worshipped
Siva in Tirukkalukkunram. So this place is called Narayana-
pura.

A story is told of a devadasT, Naccimuttu by name, wh®
was truly devoted to the God of Vedagiri, and she used to
sing everyday after worship a song'^composed by a Vaishna-
vite on this deity. One day thunder and storm prevented her
going to the temple. Then she implored the God of the
Sacred Hill to manifest Hrmself before her in her courtyard
and accept her devotion. And lo! the Lord responded and
presented Himself in front of her. When the Lord was about
to depart, she clasped the hoofs of Siva’s vehicle, the bull,
and the Vaishnavite poet too clung to her feet; and both were
carried to Kailas.

Brahma seems to have been partial in his love to Saras-
watl at the expense of Savitri. The latter, therefore, cursed
her Lord and Brahma sought the advice of Vishnu. According
to his directions Brahma did penance in this place. He was
finally absolved of his sin. In consequence, TirukkaUikkun-
ram came to be known as Brahmapuri.

Let us narrate the story of the Kites— and Adi,
They were two brothers who quarrelled whether the God
(Siva) or the Goddess (Sakti) was superior. The Lord Him-
self declared that both were equal, but even after His
admonition they would not stop quarrelling and when they
persisted they were cursed to become kites. In the Kali age
they are known by the names of Sambu and Adi. They visit the
hill everyday to pray for their salvation, and the Pakshipandd-
ram (the birdpriest) of the Vedagiri hill feeds the two birds
at noon everyday. It is this f-rature that draws most the
attention of pilgrims as well as sightseers, chiefly foreigners.

Among the various other personages who seem to have
attained salvation here are Agastiya, Ahalya, Indra, Rudrakoti
(Siva’s servants), Ganga, the twelve Adityas (Suns), Markan-
4eya, the eight Vasus, Varuna, Visvamitra.

312 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV
Topography and Shrines:

The hill is regarded as the very embodiment of the Vedas;
and it is called Vedagiri. Owing to the sacred character of
the hill in every part (as at Tiruvannamalai of the Tejo-lihga)
it must have been devoid at one time of any shrine. The
devotees would not have been willing to tread on it. So, they
say, did the three saints — Appar, Sambandar, Sundarar — wor-
ship the Lord from below.

Apart from the place where the Kites are fed by the
Pandaram, there are two shrines on the hill. One is a rock-
cut Pallava cave temple most probably excavated by the
Pallava King Mahendravarman(7th century A.D.) but generally
attributed to his son, Narasirhhavarman I. The incomplete
inscription in archaic Tamil script of Narasimhavarman gives
the name of “miilasthana on thehill*^ to this shrine; and it is the
oldest inscription in this place. On the pillars of this cave-
temple are found a large number of signatures of Dutch
visitors. The other shrine on the top of the hill seems to have
had its origin in the 8th century A D. most probably in the days
of Rajasimha (Narasirhhavarman II)— or one of his immediate
successors.

There is a shrine at the foot of the hill of Vedagiri called
now the Bhaktavatsala temple whose walls contain almost all
the inscriptions which range from the end of the 9th century
A.D, (898 A.D.) to almost the eve of British settlement in
India. In this temple there is in the 2nd prakara a strong-room
(tiru abharana kottadi) with a semi-circular back wall. It has
all the features of a temple of the 9th century A.D. The Vimana
is of the shape of the back of an elephant (Gaja prstha vimana)
and there are images of Ganesa, Daksinamurti, Visnu,
Brahma and Durga with features of 9th century sculptures.
A number of inscriptions on the walls of the ‘strong-room*
mention the central shrine of Tirukkalukkunram (Tirukkaluk-
kunrattu Sri Mulasthanapperumanadigaj). I am disposed to
think after a close inspection during my recent visit, that this
is the oldest Mulasthana shrine of this place. In later times,
it was abandoned ahd a new lihga was consecrated and that
became the- modern Bhaktavatsala.

The Oldest Shrine.

“Which is the original Mulasthana shrine ?’* is a question
of some importance. The officers of the Epigraphical Depart-

Part IV] THIRUKKALUKKUNRAM 313

ment consider either the shrine at the top of the Vedagiri hill
or the rock-cut Pallava cave in it to be the original Mulasthana.
I do not favour such a view, and my conclusions alone can
be set forth here. The oldest inscription in the Bhaktavatsala
temple is a very important one of the 27th year of a certain
Rajakesarivarman who can be identified without any uncerta-
inty with the Chola King, Aditya I (of accession 871
A.D.), and this is found on the west wall of the strong-room
of this shrine. It is said that at the request of a certain
Puttan, this king promised to confirm and maintain the original
grant of lands free of tax (irai-y-ili) made by the previous
kings of the land (purva rajakkal) to the Mulasthana temple
at Tirukkalukkunram. Of these kings only two are mentioned.
One is the donor Skandasisya whom we cannot properly
identify as there are a number of kings of that name, but he
should be assigned roughly to the 5th centuary A.D. The
other is Narasiriihavarman I, the conqueror of Vatapi (middle
of the 7th century A.D.) w'hose inscription also is found in
the Pallava Orukal (rock cut temple) mandapa on the Vedagiri
hill. Narasiriihavarman is said to have protected the original
endowment of Skandasisya. The reconfirmation of the
same grant by Aditya Chola happened soon after his conquest
of the Pallava country (Tondaimandalam). There are also a
number of other inscriptions on the walls of this ‘strong-room’
which mention the Mulasthana temple of this place till 1085
A.D. So this strong-room within the premises of the Bhakta-
vatsala temple should have been the original Mulasthana
If so, the God consecrated in that ‘strong-room’ should have
been the oldest shrine of the Tamil land referred to in inscrip-
tions. The present structure of the shrine (the strong
room) has to be assigned to the 9th century A.D. Perhaps
it was a renovation of the original shrine of the days of
Skandasisya.

There are about a dozen sacrad tanks in the place. The
tarn on the hill is called the Sampati SunaV the Sankha
tirtham at the foot of the Vedagiri hill from which a conch
emerges once in about 12 years, and the ‘Nandi-tirtham’ in
the enclosure of the Bhaktavatsala shrine are the most import-
ant. The Palaru is the holy river of this deity.

The Tamil Saints:

To Manikka Vacakar the Lord manifested Himself in
this place. Appar has celebrated Tirukkalukkunram with his

314 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

hymns, bambandar (7th century A. D.) has sung devotional
songs on the Lord whom he calls ‘Kajlam Vallan’ (an adept
in the art of cuaning). ‘Ponnittar’ the Giver of gold is one
of the appellations of this God ; it is to be believed that he used
to reward his devotees with gold. Sundarar came to this
place expecting to get gold from the Lord ; at first the Lord
hid Himself and remained in the western gopura; but
Sundarar entered the temple by the southern gate; and, by
sheer perseverance in his devotion,- received both gold and grace
from Siva. The fourth day festival of this place still celebrates
this incident in the life of this saint. Hence the name of the
‘Lord who hid himself to Nambi’ (i.e., Sundarar)

At the end of the 9th century A.D., the region of Tiruk-
kalukkunram passed from the rule of the Pallavas to that of
the Cholas who exercised their sway till the end of the 13th
century A.D. It is the Mitlasthana that receives the homage of
princes and people till about the end of the 11th century A.D.
And an endowment is occasionally made to the Lord on the
sacred hill. But after the 11th century the name ‘Mulasthana’
drops and the god is named the Lord of Tirukkalukkunram.
When the god of the Mulasthana was abandoned and why, we
do not know. But we learn that a general of the Pandya King
Jatavarman Sundara Pandya of Madura (accession 1251 A.D.)
made a new shrine and consecrated a lihga. Perhaps it is
the modern Bhaktavatsala, and most of the inscriptions of this
Pandya ruler call the Lord the giver of gold ‘‘Ponnittlsvaram-
udaiyar”. After the rule of the Pandyas this region passed
into the hands of the Vijayanagar rulers whose inscriptions in
this place range from the 14lh to the 16th century A.D,

Local Inscriptions'.

According to inscriptions, Ti-ukkalukkunram, otherwise
called Ulakalanda-Chola Pu-am, is said to be in Kalattur
Kottam a sub-division of Jayahkonda-Chola-mandalam.

In an inscription of the 12th year of Kulottuhga (I?
accession on 1070 A.D.) we are told that two persons went out
together for a hunt; and by accident, one of them killed the
the other by an arrow evidently aimed at an animal. So the
assembly of the place resolved that the guilty person should
make an endowment for a lamp to be burnt in the local temple.
In an inscription whose script can be assigned to the 12th

THIRUKKALUKKUNRAM

Paht IV]

M5

century A.D., a certain Suryadevan is said to have set up an
image of Piljaiyar in the temple (on the^ top of the hill) of
Vedagiri^vara and to have constructed the flight of steps on
the hiii. In the reign of Kulottunga II (6th year 1139 A.D.) it
is recorded that a military officer of a feudatory called Exiivili
Chola Sambavaroya was killed by another, and thereupon the
wife of the deceased committed Sati. At the instance of the
elders of the assembly of the Nadu the criminal was made to
endow two lamps for the merit of the two deceased.

During the long period of recorded history of about eleven
centuries or more ; only two cases of serious theft are men-
tioned. In 1213 A.D. (35th year of Tribhuvana Viradeva i.e.,
Kulottunga III) a certain man was caught red-handed while
removing the forehead plate (tiruppattam) of the deity. He was
declared a drohin (enemy to the community) ejected from his
house. It was confiscated and sold. The proceeds were used
for paying the charges of the masons and other workmen who
were employed in the construction of the steps to the hundred-
pillared mandapa in the third enclosure of the temple.

Another similar case of theft happened in the days of
Vira Kumara Kampana U4aiyar( latter part of the 14th century
A.D.) of Vijayanagar. It is recorded that a certain man was
caught in the act of sealing the gates of the strong-room
after removing the gold leaf of the Hruvdsi (worth about
150 pon) of the idol in the room. Thereupon the assembly of
the Nadu met and confiscated his *Kani* rights, declaring him
a Sivadrohin (enemy to Siva) ; and the proceeds of these
rights sold in auction to various individuals amounting to 850
panams were deposited in the temple treasury.

These instances indicate the general absence of serious
crimes, and the large judicial powers, even in cases of crimes
enjoyed by local bodies in those times.

A Great Tamil Merchant Guild

'The Nanadeiis* were a great and flourishing Tamil
merchant guild that were carrying on extensive oversea trade
from at least the earliest Chola times. One of their records
is found in Sumatra. In this place there is a reference to
the shrine of the Desivitanka Perumal’ (evidently set up by
them and called after them) by the NanSde^is of Sadiravasagan
pattinam. This is perhaps a variant of Sadras—A place well
XIV— 41

316 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol, XIV

known in later times as a settlement of the Dutch — situated
about ten miles from Tirukkalukkunram.

Standard Weights and Measures

The existence of a standard liquid measure called Selvi
Rajakesari kept in the temple, and of a standard linear measure-
ment representing a rod of 16 spans {patinaruiah kol) mdiTktd.
on the (upana part) of the basement of the temple, is recorded
in one of the local inscriptions. It is further mentioned that
the square measure of that standard rod was ‘six-makhani*.
The temples of south India filled the role which the British
Museum of London did and, now, the Board of Trade does, for
the standardization of weights and measures in England.

The European Visitors

From the 17th century to the early 19th century,
Europeans chiefly the Dutch were much attracted to Tiruk-
kalukkunram, and there are more than twenty* five names of
Dutchmen who visited the place and left their signatures on the
hill. Some of them were persons who held distinguished offices
in the Dutch service. Chief among them are

1. The Hon’ble Mr. Antony Pa vilioen (1670). He was the
chief at Masulipatam in 1658 A.D. and at Jaffna from 1661 to
1665 A.D. Then he became Governor of the Coromandel
Coast with head-quarters at Pulicat which position he occupied
for 13 years (1655-78). Perhaps he visited Sadras in 1670
and on his way Tirukkalukkunram.

2. Lawrence Pit Junior (1663) was another Dutch
Governor of the Coast (1677-1698). Perhaps he visited the
place in the time of Pit Senior who was also Governor
(1852-63).

3. William Carel Hartsink (1681), He was the chief Mer-
chant and President at Pulicat from 1679 to 1681 A.D.

A Dutch writer called Ilavart relates how he and ten
others visited the hill on 3rd January, 1681 A.D. and saw the
two sacred birds being fed at about midday.

An Englishman who has recorded his visit to this place in
the 18th century is George Dawson (1769) who was a Madras
Civilian. He came out as a writer in 1751, became a member
of the Madras Council (1768); and in 1769 he was appointed
Chief of Cuddalore. Perhaps he visited the hill on his way to
Cuddalore.

Pait IV] THIRUKKALUKKUNRAM 317

There is a record in the 19th century of Jan Andreis Van
Braan (1818) who was the Dutch Commissioner appointed in
1817 in pursuance of the London Convention of the 13th
August, 1814 to take delivery of some of the old Dutch fact-
ories in India. He visited Sadras in 1818 and assumed
charge of the factory from the British Commissioner (31st
March, 1818); and his visit recorded at Tirukkalukkunram
must be on his way to Sadras.

Such in brief is the romantic vista revealed from local
legendary lore and the mute fragmants of old records on
stone spread over many centuries. The attractiveness of
Tirukkalukkunram will last as long as the hill and the lake
endure, and man is not dead to the charm of natural scenery,
salubrious climate and spiritual appeal.

THE WORKS OF ABHINAVAGUPTA

BY

V. RaGHAVAN, M.A., PH.D.

The following works of Abhinavagupta have till now been
noted 'A

1. Anuttaratriihsika laghuvrtti or Anuttara tattva vimar-
5ini laghuvrtti, a brief prose commentary following Utpala’s
*mata*, on the Anuttaratrirnsika (also trisika) or Paratrimsika
which is an extract from the Rudrayamala.

Mss. MD. 15336.2
TD. 8219-20.

GD. 1107-8.

2. Anuttara trimsika vivrti or Paratrimsika vrtti follow-
ing the commentary of Somananda; another prose gloss on
the same text as in no. 1.

Edii. Kasmir Texts, XVIII. 1918,

3. Anuttarastika (8 verses).

Edn. Appendix C. pp. 404-5, Dr. Pandey's Abhinavagupta.

4. Anubhavanivedana (ascribed to Abhinava). 4 verses.

Edn. Ibid. p. 414.

5. Isvarapratyabhijna vimarsini (-laghu vimarsini), a
gloss on Utpala’s I. Pra.

Edn. Kasmir Texts. 22 and 33.

6. Isvarapratyabhijna vivrti vimarsini (-brhati vimarsini)
a commentary on Utpala’s own vivrti on his I. Pra.

7. Kathamukhatilaka, referred to by Abhinavagupta in his
I. Pra. brhati vimarsini according to Dr. Pandey.

On this, see below for more definite information.

1. Aufrect CC. I. p. 25a; II. p. 5a and III. p.6a. Dr, K#
C. Pandey, Abhinavagupta, Chowk. Publication, pp. 22-68.

2. MD. = Madras Govt. Ori. Mss. Library Descriptive
Catalogues.

TD, =Tanjore Sarasvati Mahal Library Descriptive
Catalogues.

GD, =Granthappura (Palace Library) Descriptive
Catalogues, Trivandrum.

319

Part IV] THE WORKS OP ABHINAVAGUPTA

8. Kavyakautukavivarana, a gloss on his teacher Bhatta
Tota’s Kavyakautuka. Referred to by Abhinavagupta in his
Dhvanyalokalocana. (p. 178, N.S. edn. Dhva. A. 1928. See also
J.O.R.M., VI. pp. 153-162, my article on Writers Quoted in the
Abhinava Bharati ; see also pp. 43-44, my Number of Rasas,
Adyar Library Series).

9. Kramakell, a commentary on the Kramastotra, diffe-
rent from Abhinavagupta's own Kramastotra. See p. 236,
Abhinavagupta's own Paratririisikavivarana, Kas. Texts XVIII;
Jayaratha’s Com. on Tantraloka, VIII,. Texts 30. p. 191;
Ksemaraja’s Com. on Utpala’s Sivastotravall, Chowk. 15, p. 78.

10. Kramastotra, 30 verses, composed in A.D. 990-1

Edn. Pandey, App. C. pp 409-412

1 1 . Ghatakarparakulaka vrtti

12. Tattvadhva prakasana. Pandey, p. 34

13. Tantravatadhanika

Edn. Kas. Texts. 24.

14. Tantrasara

Edn. Kas. texts 17

15. Tantraloka

Edn. Kas. texts.

16. Tantroccaya. Pandey, p. 64.

17. Devistotravivarana, cited by Abhinavagupta in his
GItartha sarhgraha, N, S. edn. p. 477.

18. Dehasthadevatacakra stotra (15 verses)

Edn. Pandey, App. C. pp. 413-4

19. Dhvanyalokalocana. N. S. edn.

20. Natyasastra vivrti (Abhinava Bharati)

Edn. G.O.S.

21. Padarthapravesa nirnaya tika referred to by him in
his Paratrimsika vivarana, Kas. Texts 18, p. 162.

22. Paramarthacarca (8 verses)

Edn. Pandey, App. C. p. 407.

23. Paramarthadvadasika or Advayadvadasika, 12 verses

Edn. Pandey App C. pp. 405-6

24. Paramartharasa or P. S. Samgraha.

Edn. Kas. Texts. 7

On this work, see S. S. S. Sastri, New Indian Antiquary,
I, p. 37 ff.

25. Purva pancika, com. on the Purvasastra or Malini
vijaya. Pandey, p. 31.

320 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

26. Prakarana vivarana, com. on Prakaranastotra.
Pandey. p. 32

27. Praklrnakavivarana, ref. to by Jayaratha in his com.
on Tantraloka, vii, p. 33.

28. Prabodha (or Bodha) pancadasika.

Edn. Kas. Texts 14

29. Bhagavad gitartha samgraha. N. S. edn.

30. Bheda vada vidarana, cited in his Gitarthasamgraha
and I. Pra. vimarsini.

31. Bhairava stotra or Isvara stotra, 10 verses composed
in A.D. 992-3

Edn. Pandey, pp. 412-3

32. Mahopadesa vimsatika, 20 verses.

Edn. Pandey, pp. 407-8.

On this work, see my note in the New Indian Antiquary
III, pp. 32-34.

33. Malinivijayavarttika

Edn. Kas. Texts 32.

34. Laghvi prakriya, a stotra quoted by Abhinavagupta in
his Gitarthasamgraha under IV. 28 and Xll. 11.

35. Sivadrstyalocana, a com. on Somananda's Sivadrsti.
Quoted by him in his Para trimsika vivarana, Kes. Texts 18,

p. 116.

36. Sivasaktyavinabhava stotra, quoted in his Gitartha-
samgraha, pp. 628-9

Besides these, it has been noted also that, as on the
Purva, Abhinavagupta has commented on the other Agama-
^astras ( Paratrimsika vivarana, Kas. Texts 18, p. 147) and
some more Stotras. His quoations also show that he himself
had composed some more Stotras, as also some poems.

Further, Mr. R. A. Sastri notes in his Diary that in the
library of Pandit Ramjiva kokil, Banmahal, Srinagar, there is
an Amaresvara stotra by Abhinavagupta.

We also come across in the Mss. Catalogues some vague
and some incorrect entries against Abhinavagupta’s name.

(a) Oudh. xvi 124 - Spanda. We do not understand
what this means.

{b) AK. 243, Auf. Ill p. 6a-DevImahatmyatika gupta-
vati. Abhinavagupta here is a mistake for Bhaskararaya.

(c) The New Catalogus Catalogom Office of the Madras
University purchased from the library of the late Dr. Jacobi a
long paper scroll containg a list of book-names given by Pandit

321

Part IV] THE WORKS OF ABHINAVAGUPTA

Damodar Sastri, son of Pandit Saheb Ram who are mention-
ed by Buhler in his Report (p. 26. ff.). In this scroll is found
an entry '*Dhvani samketa’* against the name Abhinavagupta.

(d) In the Visvabharati, Santiniketan, is found an entry
Devibhujahga by Abhinavagupta. I could not examine
or verify this entry, since the Librarian is not in a position to
supply extracts from this work.

(e) Buhler Kashmir Report 469, Bhandarkar’s Report
1875-6 and BORl 469 of 1875-6 — Bimbapratibimbavada is
only a part of the Tantraloka, III.

Further, on p. 107 of his Tantrasara, (Kas. Texts, XVIII),
Abhinavagupta makes a mention of his Tantraloka and adds to
it a perplexing reference to a :Sloka vartika. Are we to under-
stand a work of Abhinavagupta here, and if so, whether one
of his known works or a new one?

Again, a Natyalocana or Natyalocana has been ascribed to
Abhinavagupta. (See Skt. Intro, to N. S. edn. (1928) of the
Dhvanyaloka with Locana, p. 2.). No definite evidence has come
up yet to confirm this ascription. But I may point out in this
connection that in the Candrika on the Prabodhacandrodaya by
Nadindla Gopa (N.S. edn.), there are quotations in Anustubh
verses on topics of Natyasastra, ascribed to Abhinavagupta,
from which we may suppose that after extensively expounding
Bharata, Abhinavagupta thought of a handy resume of the
Natyasastra. The following are the quotations made by
Nadindla Gopa :

p. 7.

^ 51^% I

^ II

p. 8.

sjqsq m ^\ I I

p. 9. —

322 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

srgsq 5nil»RT: \

^iq^: I)

p. 16.

nFTg^JT^'sq^ I

p. 128. ‘ — r

p. 243. q^i^ftjrqgfiqfl:-

91%f5qq?qicq#qe«qf iftmg; I
3Rfq%q%|m qcTi^r^qH^I^I^: li

fTrRTf^mi^cfJi: II

i i

An anonymous commentary on a drama called Vasu-
mangalanataka by Perusuri (Mad. Govt. Ori. Mss. Lib. D. No.
11618) quotes two verses of Abhinavagupta on Natya topics,
on the first page of the ms.

ci^qt^iiqg'ciqit:-

‘qqq JTRTiq^f^ ^ 1

ir

aiPRqgRqi^: qf^qRqi^qftiV

qf5fi% ||

The second quotation, referring to the same topic of
Purvarahga described in citation one in N. Gopa’s commentary
on the Prabodhacandrodaya may be the statement in the same
context of another view.

Mallinatha, in his commentary on the Kumarasambhava 1.
8, quotes a quarter of an Anustubh on Tana in music and
ascribes it to Abhinavagupta.

im:’ f9lPpT^: I

I

The India Office Catalogue, II, p. 123b, says that an Abhi-
navagupta is quoted by Haradatta in his Bodhayana srautasutra-
vy^hya. Without knowing the citation and its context, nothing
can be said about this reference.

523

Part IV] THE WORKS OF ABHINAVAGUPTA

TWO NEW WORKS OF ABHINAVAGUPTA

There is a paper ms. in the Madras Govt. Oriental Mss.
Library, in Telugu script, bearing the shelf no. I. 9. 3. Though
there is no indication in this ms. itself, which is a transcript,
about its original, I have been able to find out that its original
is a ms. in the Samskrit College at Tripunitura. This ms. con-
tains a set of works mostly pertaining to Pratyabhijna, and its
contents are described in MD under nos. 15323 to 15342. There
is valuable information here on Abhinavagupta and his works.

The Gurundthaparamarla (MD. 15323)

The first work in this ms. is Gurunathaparamarsa, an
eulogy on Abhinavagupta. The latter part of this work indulges
in mere poetic eulogy, but in its former part, there are some
verses containing valuable information.

§1. 7 here refers to the tradition that the teachers and
Yoginis once met and made Abhinavagupta the sole Acarya and
repository of the entire teaching.

In SI. 10, significant reference is made to the exposition of
the nine Rasas in Abliinavagupta^s Abhinava Bharatl on the
Natya Veda of Bharata in thirty-six Ahnikas.

The Kaihdmukhatilaka

On p. 33 of his book on Abhinavagupta^ Dr. K. C. Pandey
says that a work of Abhinavagupta, Kathamukhatilaka by name,
is referred to by Abhinavagupta in his I. Pra. Brbatl vimarsini
and that “nothing at present can be said about its contents’*.
From this ms. work Gurunathaparamarsa, we are able to know
that the Kathamukhatilaka of Abhinavagupta related to v&da
especially and gave an exposition of the sixteen Padarthas of
the Nyaya sastra. Si. 9 of the Gurunathaparamarsa runs

(I

XIV-^2

324 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

(1) The ParyantapaficaMka

A new work of Abhinavagupta

It is however si. 8 of this eulogy on Abhinavagupta that is
most important, for it gives us the name of a new work of
Abhinavagupta, the Paryanta Paiicaiika

I)

Out of the expression

I take 'Paryanta Pancasika’ as the title of the work,
because Mabesvarananda quotes in his Maharthamanjari a
work of the name ‘Paryanta Pancasika' and I think it likely that
Mabesvarananda is quoting this work of Abhinavagupta men-
tioned in the Gurunathparamarsa. The Maharthamanjari (TSS.
66.) has four quotations from the Paryanta Pancasika, which
appears to be a work in Anustubh verses :

1. pp. 44-5 : I

2. p. 49: I

nf ftqiRR fqq;?q^g; II

3. p. 70: f%e?qm(5qr^# ^q: I

4. pp. 72-3: |

(2) The RahasyapancadaHka
Another new work of Abhinavagupta.

The fourth work in this ms. is the RahasyapancadaHka of
Abhinavagupta, this again a work of Abhinavagupta not known
till now. The last verse says that the work is Abhinava-
gupta’s and contains fifteen verses.

q^iq^fif^^Ti; i

See MD. 15326.

But as a matter of fact, the work contains 37 verses
and is mostly a hymn to Devi in a variety of metres. I do not
know if another minor work (the Devibhujanga in the Visva-
bharati?) has got mixed up here.

325

Part IV] THE WORKS OF ABHINAVAGUPTA

The Other Works and Authors known from this Ms.

The interest of this ms. does not stop with the new facts
about Abhinavagupta’s works noticed above. It reveals to us
some more authors and their works pertaining to Pratyabhijha.

The Sdstra paramaria

This is the second work in the ms. and mentions some of
the chief works of Pratyabhijna: Sivadrsti, the commentaries
on it by Utpala and Abhinavagupta, pratyabhijna sutra, Vrtti
and Vivrti, both on the I. Pra. Sutra, and the two Vimarsinis
thereon by Abhinavagupta, — all these seeming to form a unit of
five works described as ^Prakarana vivarana pancaka’^. Then
follow two verses praising Abhinavagupta*s I. Pra. Laghu
Vimarsini, the next two, 7th and 8th, praise Utpala’s Siva-
stotravall and the last two verses are on Pratyabhijha in
general.

The last verse sums up the difference and distinction of
the Pratyabhijhadvaita philosophy, as compared with Buddhism
and Advaita Vedanta. Buddhism abolishes Atman and
Isvara in its Vijhanadvaita, and Advaitavedanta, in its Brah-
madvaita, has to resort to Anirvacaniyakhyati and Avidyo-
padhi; but Pratyabhijha (which is the heart of all Agamas
as contrasted with the Advaita Vedanta which is established on
the basis of the Vedas) is suggested as overcoming the short-
comings of both Buddhism and Advaita Vedanta by its
Isvaradvaita. See MD. 15324.

Svatmapraiamsa

The next work in the ms« is called Svatmaprasarhsa, a
poem in 42 verses, by a Saiva Siddha on himself and on his
own supreme Siddha state. MD. 15325. The subject-author
describes himself in the first as well as third person. The
second verse appears to state that the subject-author was bom
under the constellation having Indra-Agni as deity, i.e.,
Visakha, on a Suklatrayodasi, Monday. It is likely that the
Sivayogin mentioned in this and the next verse is his father.
In verse 3, he calls himself ‘Visakhah’, after the star. In the
subsequent verses he sings of himself as a Siddha, Avadhuta,
Yogiraja, Vira, Bhiksu and Jivanmukta. In si. 5, he mentions
that even at his 74th year, he retained all the lore that he
learnt from his father during boyhood; in this verse, the

1. As Dr. Pandey points out, this verse mentioning these five
as the chief Pratyabhijnfi texts is quoted in the Sarvadaiiaaa
samgraha (AnandaSrama edn. p, 100.)

326 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [ Vol. XIV

name of Abhinavagupta is worked in through Slesa. In si. 6
he refers to his retaining the power of sweet exposition even
at his 78th year; the next verse mentions his 80th year and
in this verse occurs the name Siddha Visakha, rather in a
manner difficult of understanding. Visakha does not occur
beyond this.

The name with which the author frequently describes
himself is Madhuraja or Madhura. Si. 6. which specifies his
78th year first introduces this name, In the subse-

quent verses, the name Madhuraja or Madhura occurs regularly.
SI. 13 is noteworthy as praising the works of Madhuraja
kavi. Si. 29. describing himself in the first person, refers to
the hereditary scholarship of his family in Yajurveda, its
Laksana and Sutra, Pancamakha, Mantra and Tantra and
Paramadvaita.

It is not easy to determine whether Madhura is only a
variant for Madhuraja; for one of the verses here, si. 38,
describes him as roaming in his Siddhahood in the town of the
Pandya king, i.e., Madhura or Madura in the South.

I

II

It may be that he is called Madhura after his place Madhura.

The complication of the name of the subject-author is not
over here; for si. 12 says :

^ (f) 15^ I

Who is this Bliatta Krsna? If we take the whole poem as
being on one person, as it appears we should, his personal name
may be Bhattakrsna, star-name Visakha, place-name Madhura
and another name Madhuraja. I do not know if this explana-
tion is alright. On pp. 160-161 of his thesis on Abhinavagupta,
Dr. K.C. Pandey speaks of a late writer on Pratyabhijna whom
he describes as ^‘Varadaraja alias Krsnad&sa”, “youngest son
of Madhuraja** and author of a Sivasutra-varttika. The extract
given by Dr. Pandey to bear out this information about the
author, his name and parentage, is however not clear in
Construction or import.

Part IV] THE WORKS OF ABHINAVAGUPTA W

It is not unlikely that the subject- author of this Svatma-
pra^amsa is also the author of the eulogy on Abhinavagupta,
the Gurunathaparamarla, previously noticed.

The same codex contains some well-known works also :
no. 5. Anuttaratririisika Text; no. 10. Siva sutras;no. 15.
Abhinavagupta’s Laghuvrtti on the Anuttaralrimsika of which
other ms. have been noted above; no. 16. Anuttaratrimsika-Text
again; no. 17. Prabodhapancadasika with Avadhiita's com; nos.
18 and lO.Avadhuta’s Pratipadikartha vimarsa and com. on it ;
and no. 20. Somananda's Sivadrsti.

The other works here seem to be rare : No. 7 is Svarupa-
pravesika of Bhatta Naga or Nagananda; this work has a gloss
by Sivananda and both text and gloss are represented by
another ms. in the same library. See MT. 2\S9J^ Nagananda
appears also as a commentator on the I. Pra. Sutra ; a ms. of
his com. on the I. Pra. Su. is available in the Adyar Library
(Cat. II. p. 174a; 28. B. 24).

The 8th work in the ms. is an anonymous Sattrim^at
tattvacarca.

No. 9 is Anuttarakigurupahktiparamarsa, a list of
Pratyabhijna teachers, taken from Somananda's Sivadrsti and
supplemented. After Somananda, the list has Utpala, Laksmana-
gupta, Abhinavagupta, Ksemaraja and Sura. Sura is mentioned
as a pupil of Ksemaraja. The author of this list is one Deva
Bhatta who describes himself as a pupil of Sura himself :

* * * I

* * * #

II

31^ II

See MD. 15330.

No. 11 is Gurupanktistotra, MD. 15332. After praying to
gods Ganesa and Kumara, the hymn praises Durvasas, Vasu-
gupta, Somananda, Utpala, Abhinavagupta and Ksemaraja.
The hymn closes with verses on Abhinavagupta.

No. 12. is Dasasloki of Sri Vidyacakravarttin who has
commented upon Virupaksa pancasika also (TSS).

1. M.T.= Triennial Catalogues of the Madras Govt. Ori Mss,
Library,

328 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

No. 14 is a new metrical commentary on the Anuttara
trimsika; it is anonymous, though the Madras Catalogue
wrongly ascribes to Abhinavagupta. M.D. 15335. It follows the
views of Utpala and the commentaries of Abhinavagupta. The
author may be a southerner since reference is made to Siva at
Cidambaram (Vyaghrapura). The work cites the Yogavasis^ha :

51^ I p. 55.

The last work in the ms., no. 21, is Bhisag Devaraja's
Sivasutravarttika.

TOLKAPPIYAM

BY

Dr. P. S. Subrahmanya Sastri, m.a., ph. d.
iv. Vilumarapu

118. tSe^Qiutaru u(Su Qstr^^ii QuiuQait^

Qfiirdtrjpi tJhuptnsiu Qaidru.

Vili~y^ena~p patupa kollum peyarotu

Teliya-t tonru tn-iyarkaiya v~enpa.

They say that what is called vili or the vocative case is
of the nature of being explicitly seen in words which take a
special form in the vocative case.

Note 1. The meaning of the vocative case is not mention-
ed here since the name vili^ itself suggests it.

Note 2, The expression Kollum peyarotu suggests that
there are certain peyar which do not take a special form in
the vocative case,

119. j)faf<7a;

^fl/Ofi/car aifS/gp(g QmdjQupi Oeruu*

A^v-v~i

Ivv-ena v-aritarku mey-Pera-k kilappa.

In order to understand what the words which take a speci-
al form in the vocative case are, they will be explicitly men-
tioneda

Note 1. Since the following sutras explicitly mention the
change which words undergo in the vocative case, I am at a
loss to understand the exact need for this sutra.

Note 2. The word av^ denotes vili-koUpeyar according
to CendvSraiyar and words in the vocative case according to
Teyvaccilaiyar. Cenavaraiyar himself condemns the latter
interpretation since avaitdm in the next sutra will not suit
well.

1. The root vili means *to call*, *to summon*.

2, Av and Av<A have tibe same meaning*

330 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XI\

120 . ^eoen^rrui

§)B. Qet/eir^

luuuir ^eorQs itftu/r^^Essr

Qu)djuQuir0&r ^iLt^tu eSafiQair^ QuiuQir,

Avai-tdm

I~u ai-d v-ennu m-iruii

y-appd ndnke y-uyartinai manmkin

mey-p-porul cuttiya vili-kol peyare.

Among uyartinai nouns those which clearly undergo modi-
fication in the vocative case are those that end in the vowels i
u, aiy and d.

Note i. The expression Avai~tdm may be taken as a sepa-
rate adhlkdra sutra since it has to be taken along with thesutra
128 or it may be taken there by anuvrti.

Note ii. Teyvaccilaiyar reads Avarrul in place of Avaitdm
in the sutra.

121 ,

ttj/r®u> $sujir ujir^th,

Avarrul

It y-ddum ai-y-d y-dkum.

Of them nouns ending in i change i to I and those ending
in at change it to dy.

Ex. Ontotl ndnilan wan (Kalit. 61)

(Oh lady with lustrous armlets, this man has no modesty)

Teruy-ildy nl~yu~nin ktlum panara (Kalit. 39)

(Oh lady with nice ornaments, in order that you may join
with your lover)

122. tusuet\ib cOiu/r® ^aigsgith,

0-v-um u-v-um e-y- otu civanum.

(Of them) nouns ending in d and u take e after them.

Ex. ceruppin...kdvd (Pativru. 21)

(Oh the King of the mountain called vente....

tavaliyar (Pativru 14)

(Oh King may you be free from destruction)

Note 1. The u referred to in this sutra is Kurriyalukara
which is evident from the following sutra.

Note 2, Avarrul follows in this sutra from sutra 12|.

TOLKAPPIYAM

331

Part IV]

123. find ear (gpfSiu gfimBut.

Ukaran tdn-g kurriya lukaram.

The ‘u* referred to above is kurriycdukaram,

124. er^Eor ufaSdff t^tuirfi^saar u)(t^BQp
(^lieSeifl Qsirdreirir Q&^u>(Qfir Lfeieiir,

£nai y-uyir-S y-uyartinai tnarunkir
Rdm-vili koUd v-enmandr pulavar.

Learned men say that Uyartinai nouns ending in other
vowels do not undergo change in form in the vocative case.

Note. The word uyir in this sutra has to be interpreted as
a noun ending in an uyir and hence suggests the paribhdsd that
final elements refer to the words having them as finals.

125. uSsl-u. lAlacr eSjpiQuiu
ifliLipeatsiu Q/ir^^ QBiupeoisiu Qaiesru.

Alapetai mikuu m~ikara v-irupeya
R-iyarkaiya v-dkun ceyarkaiya v-enpa.

They say that the nouns having % as alapetai at the end do
not change i to * but take only H’ after them.

Ex. toll i i...(Kalit. 103).

(O friend. ,)

Note. Ilampuranar and Teyvaccilaiyar take this sutra to
mean that words ending in alapetai t do not undergo any modi-
fication. But in literature we find forms like tdli. Cenavaraiyar
and Naccinarkkiniyar on the other hand interpret that words
ending in i having three matras add i alone in the vocative case.
The only mistake in the interpretation of the latter two is that
they take alapetai to have three matras.

126. QpeapuQuujiT u>0b0 SairQiu eafljpi^

luirOairQ ai^pp Qpeirdiai,

Murai-p-peyar maruhki n-ai-y-e n~iruti
y-d-V’Otu varutar kuriya-v-u m-ulave.

There are some in words of relationship ending in ai that
even change to a (in place of a).

Ex, Annai (Mother) Anna (Oh mother)

Note. The particle urn suggests that there is the form
at^tfily Also.

127. fiismetnof 0#/r^(?o) aSiu/>eaim lur^th,

Aitnutt^ eoUlrd yriyafkai y^dkutn,

XIV-4J

332 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

Word in the vocative case which is used to call one near
at hand undergoes no modification.

Ex, Kaniya vatoli (Kalit. 42).

(Oh friend, come to see)

Ni nitu valiya netuntakai (Pura. 55).

(Oh King of long fame, may you live long)

Note. Though the word anmai-c-col literally means ‘word
at-hand,’ yet it means here ‘the word which is used to call one
near at hand'.

128. earjr&ieir Qoj^gpi utimm Qsmu

eSaRQsiT^ QuiuQj.

Norra-la-la v~ennu nt'a-n-ndn k-enpa
Pulli y- iruti vili-kol peyar-e.

Of the words that end in consonants, only those which
end in one of the four consonants », r, / and /, undergo modi-
fication in the vocative case.

Note. 1 Avai-tdm is to be taken here from sutra 120.

Note. 2 It is worthy of note that, later on, words ending
in n also underwent modification in the vocative case.

cf. Ui.ikannay (Kalit. 37).

(Oh lady with anointed eyes)

129. v^BBTU iSjp/eS&ft Qstr^eair,

£nai~p pulli y-lru-vili kolld.-

Words ending in other consonants do not undergo change
in the vocative case.

Note. This sutra may as well be omitted since its purpose
is served by the previous one.

130. ^aipjpKar

jfd^Qear eafljpi^ ujirsuir (gu>Qu>,

Avarrul

An-n-e n~iruti y-d-v-d kum^m~i.

Of them those that end in an change it to d.

£x« ceka. . (K^ilit. 22)

(Oh servant. .)

131. QfiriieSp ssg

A^mai~c col44t k-akara m-dkum*

Part IV]

TOLKAPPIYAM

333

An in anmai-c-col is changed to a.

Ex. Perum-patai-t-t-Iaiva (Patirru* 24).

(Oh lord of a large army)

Note. In *vdtuvan v&liya ni (Kalit. 96) there is no modifi-
cation in vdtuvan.

132. 68Bjpi0 a9iup€S>s

An-e n-iruii y-iyarkai y-akum.

Words ending in an do not undergo any change.

Ex. ceraman

(Oh ceraman)

133. Qfiir^eSp SL.jp/ mtrQear esBjp/0

luirair ^thQio eSafleua9 @)fiir.

Tolilir kuru m-dn-e n-iruti
y-dy-d kum-m-e vili-vayi n-dna.

Verbal and gerundial nouns ending in an change dn to d;
in the vocative case.

Ex. Ajiyum utaiyoy (Pura. 2).

[Oh (king) who has mercy]

Note. A in dy changes to 6 by Tol. col. 195.

134. uakrLfQs/ri^ Quuj(^ ffpdp.

Panpu-kol peyar-u m-atano r-arre.

Words denoting quality also are of the same nature.

Ex. Neytalafikanal netiyoy (Pura. 10).

(Oh king of long decent at the place Neytalankanal.)

135. ^&rQlu9DL-u QuivQff ojorQueaL^ aSiueO,

Alapetai-p peyar-S y-alapetai y-iyala.

Words having alapetai before the final n are of the same
nature as words ending in alapetai i.

Ex. Alaan

136. (TfiempuQtJtijiTd QeireS QiuQiu.r® G!0(?u>.

Murai-p-peyar-k kilavi y-e-y-ofu varum~e.

Words of relationship ending in n take i after then).

Ex* Yavo v4lyina m-^n tnaka;^ (Kalit* 20)»

334 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol, XIV

137. fiirQarm Ouuj 0 (^ Qutu 0 u)

iLnrQear^ Qlmj0U) eS^eS^ Quilj0

iD^fS uj2esrp^u> eSaflQsir afl&iQoj.

T an-en peyar-un cuttu-mutar peyar-um
y&n-en peyar-um vina-v-in peyaru
m-anri y-anaiitum vili-ko l-ila-v-e.

The pronouns tan, avan, ivan, uvan, yan, yavan etc., do not
take the vocative case.

138. u>0«^ i^(Sinr(S

Ar-u m-ar-uvu m-lr-otu civanum.

Words ending in ar and ar change to tr»

Ex, Pen^ir-um pini-y-utaiy-Irum. .num aran cermin (Pura
9.)

(Oh women and those who are ill retire to your place of
safety)

Porrumin maravir (Pura. 104).

(Oh brave warriors, protect)

Note. In ‘pdnar kankivan katumpinatitumpai (Pura. 173.
Panar undergoes no modification in the vocative case.

139. Q/fir^pQuiu iriraS Qearsirnu> Qi 0 pffiu>

(3/D6oru)0)ff euujmQ QiuirQe,

Tolir-peya r-dyi n-ekdram varutalum
valukkin r-enmandr vayanki yore.

Those who know the usage say that it is not wrong if
verbal and gerundial nouns take e also in addition to the
modification mentioned in the previous sutra.

Ex. ciru-kuti-y Ire...(Kalit. 39).

(Oh citizens of small hamlets...)

140. ufArLfQsir^ OuiO0 u>p(oi^ npQp.

Panpu-kol peyar-u m-atano rarre.

Words denoting quality also are of the same nature.

Ex. Pal-canrire . . (Pura. 195).

(Oh men of many qualities . . )

141. ^eirQueai—U QuiuQir (uetrQueiBL- aSojeo.

Alapetai-p peyare y-alapetai y-iyala.

Words ending in r and preceded by alapetai are of the
same nature as nouns having alapetai mentioned before.

Part IV]

TOLKAPPIYAM

33S

Ex, ciraar . . (Pura. 29).

(Oh young men)

142. QuiuQir ofipOeam pdrar,

Cuttu-mutar peyarS mur-k^an tan^a.

Demonstrative pronouns ending in r are of the nature of
demonstrative pronouns ending in n mentioned above (i.e.)
they do not take vocative case.

143. jiunAldr fShPQuujir eS^eSar QuiuQffdr

Nunt-m-in riri peyar vina^vina-r-in peyar-en
r-a-m murai y irantu m-avarriyal p4yalum,

Niyar, the modified form of num and interrogative
pronouns ending in r are of the same nature.

Note. Nlyir is said to be the modified form of num in
alvali-p-pu^rcci cf. Tol. Elut,

144. triQ&iu eSteirtf. QuaiQg

^Spptu Q&emtSlii,

Efkiya v~irapti n-iruH-p peyar^S
nitj,ra v-irraya nittam ventum.

Nouns ending in the other two (i.e.) I and I have their
penultimate vowel lengthened.

Ex, Onnutal namakku avar varutum (Kalit. 35).

(Oh lady with lustrous forehead, he will come to us.)
Vayaman r6nral(Pura. 44) and Tinterannal in Pura. 198.
Note. Kuricil in Pura. are used without lengthening the
penultimate vowel.

145. jfujGtBri^ pwiS eSiupegs luir^ih,

Ayaneti tdyi n-iyazkai y-Skum,

If the penultimate is long, they undergo no change.

Ex, Mantamar ajta matanutai nonral. (Pura. 213)

(Oh king of wonderful effort and strength so as to win in
a strong fight)

Note. There is alapetai in the vocative puli kati mdal in
Pura. 201.

146. utA^iSgp
iS^BXiup Qpgwjx uaOm
ugtuw igiiOto tSmSpigS

336 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

Vinai-y in um panpinu
Ninaiya-t tdnru m-dl-e-u iruti
y-dy-d kum-m-e vili vayi n-dna.

Verbal and participial nouns denoting quality ending
in dl change dl to dy in the vocative case.

Ex. Ilaiyoy kilaiyai man-n-enkel veyyorku. (Pura. 144)

(Oh young lady, are you related to him who is eager of
our friendship?)

147. QfimjtuQuuiiTS QareS (ysempuQuiu iftiue).

Murai-p peyar-k kilavi murai-p-peya r~iyala.

Words denoting relationship ending in I are of the same
nature as those ending in n.

Ex. makale va.

Note. The word vel has taken i after it in Pura. 201 in
analogy with words of relationship.

148. Quaj(^ui eS^eS^ Quuj0
QppQ&riB fiSsrasr Oleum ux^rt Lfeteuir,

CuUu-mutar peyar~um vind-v-in peyar-u
mur-kilan t-anna v-enmandr pulavar.

Learned men say that demonstrative pronouns and interro-
gative pronouns ending in j are of the same nature as those
mentioned above; ii.e.) they do not take vocative case.

149. ^9ffQues>u.u QutuQir lueirOuaoL- u9iue).

Alapetai-p peyar-e y-alapetai y-iyala.

Words ending in 1 preceded by alapetai are of the same
nature as those which end in n and r preceded by alapetai

Ex. valam puri-t tatakkai maal

(Oh Visnu having conch in your hand)

Mevar t-tolaitta varan miku veel

(Oh vel with great valour who has routed the enemies.)

Note. Considering vdtuvan Pdnar, Kuricil, tdnral as
vocative case without any modification in form, I am led to
believe that there might have been here a sutra *Anmai c colle
y iyarkai y dkum* similar to sutra 127 to apply for nouns end-
ing in consonants.

150. Qeiri/g eSjiii^ lu^jS'^essr eS getjLjQuajir
eSeiriitSiu QmfSiu eSeiR4(get sir^.

Part IV]

TOLKAPPIYAM

337

Kilania v iruti y a,‘.rinai viravn p peyar
Vilampiya neriya vilikkun kdlai.

Nouns common to uyartinai and arinai ending in the four
vowels and consonants mentioned above undergo the same
modification in the vocative case when they are used in a,' .rinai.

Ex, Catta, CattI, Kuruta, Kuruti etc.

151. Lj^afiiq Qpu90 (uirQiu

Qj&fS2e<isr u}(t^isS Qesreoeoiru Quiu(j^u>
eS&ftSiso QujpirtL-isi sireom
QpetfiSfleo qes)L-tu Qojairirih oiaQeo.

Pulli y u m iyir u m iruti y akiya

V a. '.rinai marunki n elli p Peyar un
Vili nilai peruun Kalam tonrir
Reli nilai y utaiya v ekdram varal e.

All nouns in a.'. rinai consonants and vowels take e after
them in the vocative case. Nay ire en kelvan yanku ulan ayi-
num kattime (Kalit. 147).

(Oh sun, will you not show me my lover wherever he is?)

Ex. Vali y er punarnta pale. (Pura. 176).

(Oh my fate ! may you prosper !)

Evvali nallavar a{avar, avvali nallai valiya nilane (Pura.

187)

(Oh earth ! may you prosper since you are good because
people there are good)

Note. Expressions like *Elu v ini nencam* in Pura. 207
show that sometimes even a. ‘.rinai nouns undergo no modifica-
tion in vocative case.

152. tueffQajaru uiLt— QeuSieoiru Quiuq^
tDetriS pi pearQeu eSafid^a sir^d
Q^iuesiuiiiS a/fleo^d^il) oJifidsp prrear,

Ula V ena p patta v elld p peyaru
M alap iran tana v e vilikkin k alai c
Ceymai y i n icaikkum valakkat tana.

All the nouns which are said to undergo modification in
the vocative case increase the quantity of the vowels when
they are used to summon persons or objects at a distance.

Ex, Nari kataler varuvar kol vayankilaay (Kalit. 11).

3^8 JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH [Vol. XIV

(Will my lover return, oh friend with shining ornaments)
cutar t totei kelay (Kalit. 30.)

(Oh lady with shining ornaments, listen)

eSefftQjJirS Qsrr^u QtairQ it.

Amnia v ennu m acai c con nitta
M a m mtirai p peyarotu civand tdyinum
Vili y otu kolpa teliyu ni ore.

Scholars take that the word amnia used to draw the
attention of the hearer, takes the vocative case and lengthens its
final though it is not included among words of relationship.

Ex. Nakaiyin mikkatan kamamum onrenpa v amma
(Kalit. 147).

154 . ereresT QiesieuQp^ eoirSjS

^meeau) ear nenQsii esfljp/^iLj

Locarair QuiutS'^ oiifKoear

aS^eiBUi QoistkrQih eSetfiQiLnQ QsirstrQeO,

Ta na nu e ena vanava muta I dki t
Tanmai kuritta naralave nirutiyu
M anna pira v nm peyar nilai varin e
Y inmai ventum vili y otu kolal e.

Words commencing with t, n, and nu and ending in «, r
and / and denoting relationship and those of the same nature,
do not take vocative case.

Note. Such words are taman, tamal, tamar, naman
namaj, namar, numan, numaj, numar, eman, enial emar etc.

Vili marapiyal ends.

MADRAS

PRINTF.D AT THE ^rAnRAS LAW JOURHAI. PRESS, MYLAPORE,

1940